Table 4 - uploaded by Ignacia Perugorría
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1 Passive and active participation in the Israeli 14J and Spanish 15M movements ISRAEL: "To what extent do you support the social protest?"
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... begin by presenting responses to the questions on passive support and active participation that are the basis for our analysis (Table 4.1). Looking first at passive support, while respondents were offered different options in the Spanish and Israeli surveys, it is clear that the protests were much more broadly supported in Israel. ...
Context 2
... University Press ones (see Table 4.2). The results highlight not only the greater intensity of political polarization in Spain but also the fact that in both countries -but again, especially in Spain -the left-right division matters more for active than passive engagement. ...
Context 3
... forms of engagement in mass protest were more strongly linked in Israel to views on the welfare state than in Spain. 9 Measuring polarization in the same manner as before, we find that in relation to both passive and active involvement it was about 60 per cent higher in Israel than in Spain (Table 4.3). ...
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... The question of how a movement's collective identity crystallizes without these preconditions is crucial at a time when mass movements often forge new collective identities. In such movements, collective identities can emerge within groups of heterogeneous people who do not share pre-existing commonalities, favoring the development of a politicized collective identity, as is the case with the Occupy movement, the Anonymous movement, the Indignados, and the Sardine movement in Italy (Perugorría, Shalev, and Tejerina 2016;Bordignon and Ceccarini 2015;Kavada 2015;Massa 2017;L. Smith, Gavin, and Sharp 2015). ...
... Last, researchers could expand our study to other mass anti-austerity movements, such as Los Indignados, the Greek anti-austerity movement, the Sardines movement in Italy, the Anonymous movement, or the Occupy movement. These movements share many of the characteristics of the yellow vest movement in that they lack most of the pre-existing conditions necessary for the emergence of a collective identity according to the literature (Kanellopoulos et al. 2017;Perugorría, Shalev, and Tejerina 2016) and are organized through dispersed locations, choosing leaderless and horizontal forms of organizing (Reinecke 2018;Kousis 2016;Massa 2017). Another fruitful avenue is whether and how such reactive identity mechanisms are at play in other types of movements, such as alt-right, white supremacists, conservative, and pro-conspiracy movements. ...
This article examines how social movement actors can forge and sustain a collective identity despite heterogeneous backgrounds and the absence of pre-existing commonalities and networks. Based on an ethnography of the French yellow vest movement, we build on the concept of reactive identity to describe two key mechanisms. First, we show this movement’s collective identity crystallized through the actors’ shared reactions to the broader sociopolitical environment. Then, we describe how identification processes are reinforced when social movement actors feel rejected, stigmatized, and repressed in their interactions with national institutions, civil society, and individuals. We explain how these mechanisms are useful for understanding the development of collective identities within mass movements, which encompass individuals with various and fragmented identities. Exploring new dimensions of reaction beyond the us-versus-them mechanisms of identity formation, we show how collective identity can coalesce for groups who became stigmatized as they mobilize to oppose their environment.
... 14 In Spain, for example, members of the Spanish Indignados movement insisted on being identified as apolitical. During protests, they prohibited all organizational flags and banners, and were strategically eclectic with their goals and movement-identities. 15 In most cases, the movements began with the opposition to the nexus of neoliberal capital and the state. However, the movements also spread to include-as the 2013 protests in Brazil shows-various issues with respect to the specificities of neighborhoods. ...
In the context of worldwide student protests against neoliberal economic agenda and depoliticizing market rationality, the essay seeks to understand the basis of ongoing student protests in India. On the basis of a case study of a radical left student organization from the state of West Bengal, India, the essay demonstrates that the dynamics of student protests in India is rooted in resistances against a state-sponsored depoliticization. The resistance is also against a structure of domination, legal and extra-legal that sustains such depoliticization in campuses as well as in the society at large. Borrowing framework from the studies in subjectivity, the essay argues that the basis of Indian student protests is anchored in a historically grounded subjectivity where students have often been called upon as a young citizen, responsible to the nation and people. At the same time, the crisis of these protests is born out of the lack of having a contemporary form of the said political subjectivity, enabling a re-articulation of the historical relationship between student, people and state-nation.
... While some studies have found an association between economic distress and protest likelihood following the 2008 recession in Europe (Eggert and Giugni 2015;Grasso and Giugni 2016a, b;Kern et al. 2015; and in other scenarios and contexts McVeigh 2009;Simmons 2014), further inquiries have not found robust empirical evidence for other cases. For instance, Rudig and Karyotis (2014) argue that relative deprivation is a relevant predictor of potential protest in Greece, but it does not predict who actually takes part in demonstrations or strikes-for similar arguments applied to the Spanish case, see, e.g., Perugorría et al. (2016). ...
Karl Polanyi’s (2001) ever-influential contribution The Great Transformation is a superb account of the conflicting and contradictory relationships between liberal markets and society’s need for protection during the first half of the twentieth century, which led to financial recession, mass discontent and the rise of radical nationalism and war. The dialectical process of marketisation and push for social protection as a response to that marketisation is called “double movement”.
... While some studies have found an association between economic distress and protest likelihood following the 2008 recession in Europe (Eggert and Giugni 2015;Grasso and Giugni 2016a, b;Kern et al. 2015; and in other scenarios and contexts McVeigh 2009;Simmons 2014), further inquiries have not found robust empirical evidence for other cases. For instance, Rudig and Karyotis (2014) argue that relative deprivation is a relevant predictor of potential protest in Greece, but it does not predict who actually takes part in demonstrations or strikes-for similar arguments applied to the Spanish case, see, e.g., Perugorría et al. (2016). ...
Podemos, a new party launched from scratch in March 2014, issued a manifesto that included some indignados movement’s core claims: fighting poverty, inequality, the privileges of large corporations, corruption and defending public services in the face of austerity policies. The party quickly gained momentum, as the following three electoral milestones testify. First, Podemos gathered 1,253,837 votes (8.0%) in the European Parliament elections on 22–25 May 2014, getting 5 seats. Second, one year later, local elections were held.
... While some studies have found an association between economic distress and protest likelihood following the 2008 recession in Europe (Eggert and Giugni 2015;Grasso and Giugni 2016a, b;Kern et al. 2015; and in other scenarios and contexts McVeigh 2009;Simmons 2014), further inquiries have not found robust empirical evidence for other cases. For instance, Rudig and Karyotis (2014) argue that relative deprivation is a relevant predictor of potential protest in Greece, but it does not predict who actually takes part in demonstrations or strikes-for similar arguments applied to the Spanish case, see, e.g., Perugorría et al. (2016). ...
Certain attitudinal configurations are meant to make individuals more prone to protest. For example, those who report left-wing values, who are politically interested, more informed about politics and have high levels of self-perceived efficacy might be more likely to engage in protest actions.
... While some studies have found an association between economic distress and protest likelihood following the 2008 recession in Europe (Eggert and Giugni 2015;Grasso and Giugni 2016a, b;Kern et al. 2015; and in other scenarios and contexts McVeigh 2009;Simmons 2014), further inquiries have not found robust empirical evidence for other cases. For instance, Rudig and Karyotis (2014) argue that relative deprivation is a relevant predictor of potential protest in Greece, but it does not predict who actually takes part in demonstrations or strikes-for similar arguments applied to the Spanish case, see, e.g., Perugorría et al. (2016). ...
Understanding what explains the irregular distribution and clustering of protest participants across time—i.e. the varying size of protest events—is one of the core tasks that social movements scholars face (Biggs 2016). This chapter aims at analysing the trajectory of anti-austerity protests in Spain in the shadow of the Great Recession, 2007–2015.
... Rosenhek & Shalev, 2014) and to a crisis of parliamentary democracy (Grinberg, 2013;Ram & Filc, 2017). While the mobilized population was predominantly young and middle-class (Perugorria, Shalev, & Tejerina, 2016;Ram & Filc, 2017;Rosenhek & Shalev, 2014), marginalized groups joined in, presented their claims and contested dominant frames used by movement leaders (Alimi, 2012;Leibner, 2015;Misgav, 2013). ...
2010–2012 were years of global protests. This wave of mobilization has been celebrated for its horizontal, leaderless, and participatory character. But this was not the case in all countries. In Israel, which saw the largest social contention in its history, the protest was marked by a dominant and centralized leadership and by cooperation with institutional actors and corporate media. Based on the study of the Israeli case, this research seeks to contribute to explanations of how movements’ organizational forms develop. Social movement scholars have shown that activists’ forms of organization are limited to a familiar repertoire of action. Building on previous scholarship, I argue that activists’ organizational repertoires are shaped by a habitus that familiarizes and routinizes certain practices. But while existing scholarship focuses on how organizational habitus develops within the field of activism, I expand the applicability of habitus and show how movement repertoires are also influenced by habit in fields unrelated and even antagonistic to activism. Based on participant observations and interviews, I show how in the Israeli case, militarism formed part of activists’ organizational habitus and contributed to the 2011 protests’ centralized and hierarchical character.
What drives a person to take part in a collective action and engage in political protest? This is a question that has long interested social scientists. Recent theoretical and empirical research in industrialized countries that centers on the political behavior of individuals examines five main factors – grievances, efficacy, identity, emotions and social embeddedness – to understand what leads citizens to join social protests. Drawing on such research and using Israel National Election Studies (INES) data, this article examines the political attitudes of participants in the widespread ‘Social Justice’ protests that took place in Israel in 2011, with the aim of explaining what motivates civic participation in such protests. By analyzing the profile of the demonstrators, our findings provide additional empirical evidence to the theoretical approach and assist in understanding political protest behavior in general.
This article offers a critique of the Wolfe‐an model, which has become so dominant within contemporary Settler Colonial Studies (SCS). It focuses particularly on the central claim made by Patrick Wolfe, and others after him, that settler colonialism is categorically differentiated from other forms of colonialism by its drive to “eliminate the native”, instead of exploiting them. This paper builds on the literature that shows how settler colonies have used elimination as well as exploitation in their relations with indigenous peoples—even transitioning from one to the other. Instead, the paper argues that focusing on accumulation by dispossession allows for an analysis of the specificity of settler social relations to emerge. It highlights the specific ways in which settlers collectively expropriate indigenous peoples and struggle amongst different settler classes over the distribution of the colonial loot.
What drives a person to take part in a collective action and engage in political protest? This is a question that has long interested social scientists. Recent theoretical and empirical research in industrialised countries that centres on the political behaviour of individuals examines five main factors – grievances, efficacy, identity, emotions and social embeddedness – to understand what leads citizens to join social protests. Drawing on such research and using Israel National Election Studies (INES) data, this article examines the political attitudes of participants in the widespread ‘Social Justice’ protests that took place in Israel in 2011, with the aim of explaining what motivates civic participation in such protests. By analysing the profile of the demonstrators, our findings provide additional empirical evidence to the theoretical approach and assist in understanding political protest behaviour in general.
