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The authors present new research on the Chifeng area of north-eastern China where they have been studying the remains of a society of the second millennium BC. This northern region, which saw the introduction of agriculture at the same time as the Yellow River basin experienced a brief and intensive period of fortification in the Late Neolithic/Ear...
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Context 1
... site of Sanzuodian was fully exposed during salvage excavations conducted as part of the construction of a local dam on the Yin River in the Chifeng region of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region (Figures 1 & 2). The site, associated with the Lower Xiajiadian culture and dated to the beginning of the second millennium BC, is extremely well preserved. ...
Context 2
... estimate that the area outside the platform was lowered by 2.5m over a distance of at least 20m. The defensive wall was constructed in two parallel lines of stone to which external towers were attached (see Figure 2). The base of the inner wall, which stood on the platform, was 2.5m above that of the outer wall (Figure 9). ...
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Citations
... Previous studies of Lower Xiajiadian Culture settlements have either examined the locational properties of stone-wall sites alone (Han 2008;Chen and Zhang 2012) or have not distinguished site types, treating all Lower Xiajiadian Culture sites collectively (Wang 2011;Li 2021). Summaries of the location patterns and functions of stone-wall sites, including those related to defense and worship, are present in the literature (Zheng 2003;Xu 2010;Shelach et al. 2011;Piao 2014;Han 2015Han , 2022Shi 2021). ...
... The material culture of the Lower Xiajiadian Culture is known for its bronze artifacts (Murray and Zhimin 1982;Sun 1990;Shelach 1994; Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 2003;Liu 2013;Cui 2010;Wang et al. 2018;Li et al. 2019). Stone-wall sites represent the most typical settlement type of the Lower Xiajiadian Culture and coexisted with earth-wall sites and sites without walls (Wang et al. 1998;Zheng 2003;Xu 2010;Shelach et al. 2011;Chen and Zhang 2012;Lu 2016). Since this paper aims to compare the locational preferences of two types of walled sites, we compared stone-wall sites with earthwall sites rather than with settlements without walls. ...
... If these sites served as refuges during conflicts (Zhou and Li 2023), residents of nearby settlements during wartime could easily see and seek refuge in these stone-wall sites. There is another possibility that stone walls were constructed to assert power (Shelach et al. 2011). Being seen by more locations in the region could improve their effectiveness in showing off. ...
Settlement systems are often characterized by a mixture of different site types, each with potentially different locational properties reflected by differences in their functions and uses. Prehistoric settlements in China are commonly known for their wooden defense structures and rammed earth. However, from the late Neolithic period, ca. 2800 BCE, a new type of stone-wall site emerged in northern China, coexisting with earth-wall sites. Examining differences in the locational properties of stone-wall and earth-wall settlements is essential for understanding regional settlement patterns and human–environment interactions in prehistoric northern China. Studies of this topic have so far been limited to descriptive qualitative accounts, and formal statistical comparisons of their differences have yet to be carried out. This paper contributes to this research agenda by examining, via point process models (PPMs), stone-wall and earth-wall sites associated with the Lower Xiajiadian Culture (2000–1400 BCE) in the Aohan Banner, northern China. We fitted log-linear and generalized additive models (GAMs) and identified the relevance of key spatial covariates via information criterion importance for both site types. Our results highlight not only the spatial preferences of stone-wall and earth-wall sites but also some differences, suggesting a defensive function of the former site type.
... Therefore, the wall could only effectively be used for fighting when mounted by Roman soldiers. Evidence from Camp A seems to reaffirm this; while reconstructing the walls of Camp A, Gutman found five staircases leading to the top of the defensive walls two attached to the inner face of the back wall (i.e., the one which does not face 58 Shelach et al. 2011. 59 Helms 1981 The Roman army at Masada was estimated at about 8,000 strong (see Roth 1995, 92-93;Shatzman 1997). ...
The 1st-c. CE Roman siege system of Masada exhibits a high degree of preservation due to its remote location and the arid climate. However, unlike the thoroughly excavated Masada fortress, the siege system has not received due attention. This article is part of a research project aimed at advancing our understanding of the conflict landscape around Masada using contemporary archaeological methods. Following a comprehensive surface survey and photogrammetric 3D modelling, we show that the circumvallation wall stood to a height of 2–2.5 m and served several functions – as an obstacle, a means of psychological warfare, and a platform from which to mount counterattacks. Based on our measurements and workload estimations, we argue that the construction of the siege wall and the camps around Masada occurred fairly quickly.
... Recent research has started to provide antitheses to this simplistic treatment of the relationship between large-scale earthen construction and labour organisation. For instance, in their study of a fortified site in Bronze-Age China, Shelach-Lavi et al. (2011) cast doubt on the sheer cost of labour expenditure in building the double stone walled site and its sophisticated structures, with a suggestion of a labour cost much lower than previously anticipated. Xie and colleagues' experimental work in prehistoric South and North China revealed substantial labour costs for producing earth-working tools and that the 'architectural energetics' to build large pounded-earth monuments might have been considerably lower than previously speculated (Xie et al., 2015(Xie et al., , 2021. ...
... Recent research has started to provide antitheses to this simplistic treatment of the relationship between large-scale earthen construction and labour organisation. For instance, in their study of a fortified site in Bronze-Age China, Shelach-Lavi et al. (2011) cast doubt on the sheer cost of labour expenditure in building the double stone walled site and its sophisticated structures, with a suggestion of a labour cost much lower than previously anticipated. Xie and colleagues' experimental work in prehistoric South and North China revealed substantial labour costs for producing earth-working tools and that the 'architectural energetics' to build large pounded-earth monuments might have been considerably lower than previously speculated (Xie et al., 2015(Xie et al., , 2021. ...
... Recent research has started to provide antitheses to this simplistic treatment of the relationship between large-scale earthen construction and labour organisation. For instance, in their study of a fortified site in Bronze-Age China, Shelach-Lavi et al. (2011) cast doubt on the sheer cost of labour expenditure in building the double stone walled site and its sophisticated structures, with a suggestion of a labour cost much lower than previously anticipated. Xie and colleagues' experimental work in prehistoric South and North China revealed substantial labour costs for producing earth-working tools and that the 'architectural energetics' to build large pounded-earth monuments might have been considerably lower than previously speculated (Xie et al., 2015(Xie et al., , 2021. ...
... As has been noted above, the recognition of contrasts in settlement patterns between the Chifeng area and western Liaoning has been interpreted as a regional difference, instead of chronological variance. The sociopolitical context within which the regional LXJD settlement clusters worked and functioned has been extensively explored through the perspective of resource and conflict [22,70], and the observed settlement variabilities are mostly understood as reflecting different degrees of competition and intra-community conflict between the east and west areas of the LXJD culture. In areas of less population density, for instance, the Upper Daling River area, less resource pressure would lead to less inter-community competition and less opportunity for elite advancement and power centralization. ...
... Under this circumstance, the LXJD communities living in the Chifeng region competed militarily with each other for access to subsistence resources, which drove demographic growth as communities with larger populations would have a competitive advantage in the form of abundant labor, larger military troops, and more elaborate fortifications [22]. The impressive stone walls seen at the Sanzuodian site have also been interpreted as a visual symbol of communal integration, advanced social mechanisms, as well as the status competition of the local elites [70]. Likewise, Shelach-Lavi thinks the key position of large elaborate settlement structures appeared in most parts of north and central China during this period, either seen as representative of elite residences, or buildings used for public functions, all reflected the social control and the legitimization of political power of the local leaders [71]. ...
In this article, we investigate the chronological change of settlements of the Lower Xiajiadian (LXJD) culture in northeast China. On the basis of excavation data, two types of settlements can be identified based on the methods of site construction: earthen (rammed earth/mudbrick) settlements and stone-constructed settlements. After integrating and reanalyzing all published ¹⁴C radiocarbon data of different LXJD sites, we argue that there is a clear chronological difference between these two types of settlements. It is revealed by the OxCal model that settlements built with earthen structures are generally earlier than those constructed with stones, and the changes in settlement spatial distribution and constructive material largely happened after 1500 BC. By means of correlation analysis with other related archaeological evidence, we suggest that the underlying social dynamics that contributed to LXJD settlement changes can be explored through multiple prospects.
... Nevertheless, several core debates have animated the study of fortresses and fortified communities worldwide. First are questions about what kinds of societies are capable of constructing monumental defensive fortifications (Jia et al. 2018;Shelach, Raphael, and Jaffe 2011). Was fortress construction an emergent process governed by communal decision-making or a top-down process directed by a centralized authority capable of coordinating the necessary labor resources? ...
Fortresses are defining features of the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age landscape in the South Caucasus, with hundreds of sites recorded in archaeological surveys in Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and northeastern Turkey. Yet, research on how these communities functioned is dominated by evidence from the small fraction of these sites that have been excavated, and regional variability remains underexplored. This paper discusses excavations at two such fortresses in the Lesser Caucasus borderlands and contextualizes them within global discussions about fortresses and their associated communities. Analysis of architecture, ceramics, and small finds identified evidence for a diverse range of activities within these compounds, including both craft production and ritual activity. While the size and construction of the two fortresses differ, the evidence for significant occupation at both suggests that these fortresses were durable communities, not temporary refugia. Further work is necessary, however, to assess whether these fortresses were highly ordered institutions centralized under elite rule or heterarchical communities joined by common interest.
... Almost all prehistoric archaeological cultures in border regions in China declined during this climate event (Wang, 2004;Wu and Liu, 2004;An et al., 2005;Chen et al., 2005;Wu et al., 2014;Jia et al., 2017;Xu et al., 2017;Guo et al., 2018a;Sun et al., 2019). However, three dominant civilization centers emerged after the "Holocene Event 3" in northern China (Zhang, 1997), including the Erlitou Culture in the Central Plain (3800-3500 cal yr BP) (Zhang et al., 2019), the Yueshi Culture in the Haidai region (3800-3450 cal yr BP) (Fang, 1998), and the Lower Xiajiadian Culture in the West Liao River Basin (4000-3500 cal yr BP) (Shelach, 1994;Shelach et al., 2011). ...
... 5500 yr BP (Lawler, 2009). Ultimately, an advanced society was founded during the Lower Xiajiadian period, defined by the construction of stone cities such as the Sanzuodian site (Shelach, 1994;Shelach et al., 2011). Previous research has shown that there was a 500 year cycle of human activity intensity, which was driven by climate changes in northeastern China during the Neolithic and Bronze ages (Xu et al., 2019). ...
... Sun et al., 2014;Jia et al., 2016aJia et al., , 2017. Developed agriculture provided stable food resources for human beings, promoted the emergence of large settlements, such as Sanzuodian and Erdaojingzi (Cao et al., 2010;Shelach et al., 2011), and further facilitated the birth of advanced civilization. However, good times did not last long: the 500 year cycle of climate deterioration destroyed the agricultural system in the West Liao River Basin after 3500 BP (Jia et al., 2016a(Jia et al., , 2017Xu et al., 2019). ...
Fossil charcoals from archaeological sites provide direct evidence for the relationship between environmental change and ancient peoples’ livelihoods in the past. Our identification of 5811 fossil charcoal fragments from 84 samples suggested temperate deciduous and mixed conifer-broadleaved forests as the dominant vegetation at the Erdaojingzi site in northeastern China ca. 3500 cal yr BP; the major representative taxa were Quercus , Pinus , and Ulmus . Four woody plants probably supplied humans with food resources at the Erdaojingzi site, including Quercus , Ulmus , Amygdalus / Armeniaca , and Ziziphus . The nuts of Quercus were utilized as staple foods because of their rich starch content. The leaves of Ulmus may have been used by humans because of their massive dietary fibre. Amygdalus / Armeniaca and Ziziphus probably provided fruits for humans. Based on the coexistence approach (CA) used on the fossil charcoals, we found that the MAT anomaly was 7.9 ± 5.9°C at ca. 3500 cal yr BP, which is almost the same as the modern one (7.8°C), while the MAP was halved from 772 ± 301 mm at ca. 3500 cal yr BP to 370 mm currently. The wet climate might have facilitated significant development of rain-fed agriculture, promoted the emergence of large settlements, and eventually facilitated the birth of civilization.
... Estimating the size of the labor force needed to accomplish such a project is fundamental for our understanding of the complexity of the wallsystem and how expensive it was in terms of resource expenditure. While precise calculation of the amount of labor that went into the construction of the wall-system (comprising both the longwall and associated structures) is impossible, estimates based on historic sources, ethnographic observations, and experimental archeology can provide approximations that are good enough for the purpose of this study (Abrams, 1994;Abrams and Bolland, 1999;Erasmus, 1965;Shelach et al., 2011;Yuan, 1983). Based on the work of Abrams and Erasmus one of us has previously estimated that a worker can construct 1 m 3 of wall, including the excavation of the required earth and the building of the wall itself, in 1.4 work-days (Shelach et al., 2011). ...
... While precise calculation of the amount of labor that went into the construction of the wall-system (comprising both the longwall and associated structures) is impossible, estimates based on historic sources, ethnographic observations, and experimental archeology can provide approximations that are good enough for the purpose of this study (Abrams, 1994;Abrams and Bolland, 1999;Erasmus, 1965;Shelach et al., 2011;Yuan, 1983). Based on the work of Abrams and Erasmus one of us has previously estimated that a worker can construct 1 m 3 of wall, including the excavation of the required earth and the building of the wall itself, in 1.4 work-days (Shelach et al., 2011). However, according to the Han mathematical manual, the Jiuzhang suanshu (九章算術 Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art), a single conscript worker was expected to excavate, transport and construct 7.55 m 3 of tamped earth wall in a month (Shen et al., 1999: 254-260). ...
This paper focuses on a hitherto little-known long (or “Great”) wall that stretches along 737 km from northern Inner Mongolia in China, through Siberia into northeastern Mongolia. The wall was constructed during the late medieval period (10th to 13th century CE) but is commonly called the “Wall of Chinggis Khan” (or ‘Chingisiin Dalan’ in Mongolian). It includes, in addition to the long-wall itself, a ditch feature and numerous associated fortifications. By way of an analysis of this impressive construction we seek to better understand the concept of monumentality and in turn shed light on the wall’s structure, function and possible reasons for its erection. We pose the interesting question of whether any construction that is very large and labor intensive should be defined as a “monument”, and if so, what that definition of monumentality actually entails and whether such a concept is useful as a tool for research. Our discussion is relevant to the theme of this collection of papers in that it addresses the concept of the ‘extraordinary’ as conceived by archeologists. Following our analysis and discussion, we conclude that although size and expenditure of energy are important attributes of many monuments, monumentality (i.e., expression of the extraordinary) is not a binary “either-or” concept. Rather than ask whether the “Wall of Chinggis Khan” was or was not a monument per se, our analysis reveals aspects in which it was indeed monumental and extraordinary, and others in which it was not extraordinary, but rather an ordinary utilitarian artifact.
... The residential architecture was often built in a circular shape out of stone and occasionally mud brick, some structures reaching more than 100 m 2 (Linduff, Drennan, and Shelaeh 2004, 58). A marked feature of the LXJD period is the appearance of labour intensive fortified stone enclosures made of rammed earth core and stone veneer (Shelach 1999, 91-94;Shelach, Raphael, and Jaffe 2011). The economy of LXJD societies revolved around agriculture, with foxtail and broomcorn millet as main staple crops while faunal assemblages are dominated by pig remains, but include cattle, sheep and goat as well (Guo 1996, 160;Li and Gao 1984, 157). ...
The transition to the Upper Xijiadian period (1200–600BCE) in north-east China is often connected with the decline of agricultural settled life and the adoption of mobile pastoralism. Many see a deterioration of climatic circumstances as the reason for this change, while others have argued that this model is an oversimplification of the intricate socio-economic dynamics of the time. The extent and manner in which pastoralism was incorporated into the economy is still a matter of debate.
This paper presents the results of the analysis conducted on grave location preference in the landscape, using data collected by the Chifeng international collaborative survey project. I argue that burial landscapes provide important insights into the discussion on Upper Xiajiadian pastoralism, both economically and symbolically. Based on these results, I suggest that mortuary practices may have reinforced the desire to practice pastoralism as an initially secondary economic strategy.
