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2. Palace of Nestor key plan.

2. Palace of Nestor key plan.

Contexts in source publication

Context 1
... discussed previously, handles of bowls are attached with the right hand, while the left provides support; the handles are affixed with a swipe outwards and slightly downwards on each side (Fig. 6.18). Vertical handles, such as those on jars, jugs, dippers, and kylikes, are not strictly vertical; they are typically rotated between 5 and 10 degrees clockwise. Even rim shapes are highly consistent by vessel type. Although these criteria are heavily intuitive, my judgment that consistent motor habits are displayed is based on close examination. Regularity of motor habits also may lead to metrical standardization; hence, metrical standardization increases with a decrease in the number of producers (Blackman et al. 1993). More producers create more variable, or less standardized, output; fewer producers create less variable, or more standardized output. Galaty uses kylix stem diameters as a basis on which to argue for a high degree of metrical standardization in Messenian fineware production (1999a, pp. 47-48), as most kylix stems range from 1.5 to 2.5 centimeters in diameter. He suggests that "were kylikes produced at several different workshops, there would likely be more variation in kylix stem diameter and a flatter histogram" (1999a, p. 47). This argument is highly problematic, insofar as stem widths are circumscribed by practical considerations; narrower stems would presumably not have supported the kylix bowl, and wider ones would have increased the risk of breakage in the kiln. Furthermore, the degree of standardization does not actually seem on the basis of visual inspection of the histogram to be very high: but, as he fails to provide any numeric measure of the scale of variation, it is impossible to compare his data with measures of standardization published elsewhere. Many complete (or nearly so) vessels from the palace allow a more rigorous study of metrical standardization than was possible for him, since his samples largely came from surface contexts. Standardization is a complex issue affected by a variety of factors, as is discussed in more detail below. For the moment, let us merely note that the levels of standardization that I have observed are comparable to those known to have been achieved by a single potter in a single production event at Tell Leilan, Syria (Blackman et al. 1993, p. 73), and are thus consistent with my hypothesis that a single producer manufactured the Pylos ...
Context 2
... relationships among lifecycle stages may be complex. Figure 1.3 graphically represents the interrelated character of the life stages through which an object may ...
Context 3
... approximates 5%, and grains are typically sub-angular to rounded and less than 1 64 "The fine-textures sherds, pale yellow, pink, and light red in color, constituted the most common group in the site samples, appearing in almost two-thirds of the collections. They contained few visible inclusions except occasional bits of limestone and ochre, and minute flakes of muscovite." mm in any dimension, though a rare large lump of calcium carbonate may reach 2 cm long. The ubiquitous presence of calcium carbonate may indicate that this clay was originally fired at a lower temperature. Lime hydration at 700-800 C leads to undesirable spalling (also known as "lime-popping"; see Fig. 6.1), though that temperature may be raised somewhat by the addition of salt or seawater ( Vitelli 1984, p. 117;Stimmel et al. 1982; Rice 1987, p. 98;Arnold 1985, pp. 26-27). Firing at very high temperatures can theoretically ameliorate the problem (Galaty 1999a, p. 45; Blackman et al. 1993, p. 67), but it does not seem to have done so in the case of these pots; most of them currently exhibit heavy spalling. 65 It seems unlikely, then, that ancient potters would have intended to fire the clay to a temperature at which many, perhaps most, pots would have become ...
Context 4
... too would have been cut from the wheel and show signs of having been self- slipped; most reveal drips and some have wipe marks. The handles, unlike those of the bowls, are not flat and appear to have been pulled into shape with the fingers rather than cut from a sheet of clay; the left ulnar heel of the palm was placed against the rim's interior to support it while the right thumb pushed the ends of the handle vertically into the exterior of the rim and the body of the dipper. Standard dippers, unlike bowls, were not trimmed. rewetting to allow the attachment of two small vertical strap handles and the stem and foot; they were wet-wiped after the vase was completely assembled. Smaller, one- handled kylikes (Fig. 6.8) were formed differently; they were thrown in a single piece, and cut from the wheel below the base. They were then inverted on the wheel and an angular blade was used to create a dimple in the middle of the base, reducing the clay's thickness and the consequent risk of breakage in the kiln. Miniature kylikes (Fig. 6.9) were also thrown in one piece but lack a dimple. In addition, their handles were attached differently; the upper end was pressed into the interior of the bowl rather than into the exterior of the rim. Larger kylikes ( Fig. 6.10; see Table 4.3 for size classifications) were thrown like the standard ones, but the stems were sometimes hollow and were often pierced transversely after they had been attached to the ...
Context 5
... kylikes in some cases have stems that are so badly off-center that they barely are warped so badly that they tip over even if only bumped gently ( Figs. 6.13, 6.14). That speed was a factor in the quality of the product is clear from the presence inside most vessels of deep ridges formed when they were thrown ( Fig. 6.15). These features, described as "spiral screws"(Rhodes 1976, p. 18), result from pulling the clay The pottery from the pantries, then, was made quickly by an inexperienced ...

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Citations

... Furumark assigned shape numbers to vessels based on their development from earlier vessels or metal prototypes as well as a number of additional criteria such as whether vessels were considered open (shapes primarily for eating and drinking) or closed (typically shapes for storing or pouring); body shape and proportion; elaboration of rims, bases, and handles (handle shape, orientation, and placement on the vessel); and general vessel function (table or kitchen ware as opposed to cooking or storage). Although other typologies have been developed to classify Mycenaean pottery on a site-specific basis (e.g., Hruby, 2006 for Mycenaean pottery from the palace at Pylos classified by Marion Rawson), Furumark's system is the most widely used for the classification for Late Bronze Age pottery considered to be culturally Mycenaean. But his typology and those that follow from it tend to focus much more closely on decorated vessels than the undecorated vessels under examination here. ...
... Because the CV is expressed as a percentage, outcomes can be compared across data sets and cross-cultural analyses are possible. Ethnographic (Roux, 2003) and archaeological data sets (Blackman, et al., 1993;Hruby, 2006) have produced CVs that ranged from about 6% to 11% for similar metrics. These data, from a variety of contexts, have established the degree of standardization expected to produce a high volume of pots by a single potter or a combination of factors suggesting specialized control and care over the entirety of the production process (Fragnoli, 2021). ...
... Roux and Karasik (2018) suggest, for example, that low CVs in a workshop with small production numbers can suggest the number of potters involved in vessel production. In the context of the prehistoric Aegean, CVs have been used to suggest that ceramic workshops employed only a few people and perhaps even a single master potter who could supply local people and elites at a central palace with a year's worth of pottery, an estimated 12,000 vessels annually (Galaty, 1999;Hruby, 2006;Whitelaw, 2001). While one potter may have been able to fulfill the needs of an entire community and more, such a conclusion runs the risk of ignoring the complexities in formation processes and workshop organization (e.g., Costin, 2000:391, Costin and Hagstrum, 1995:623, Neupert, 2000. ...
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... These only slight differences may be striking at first glance, but it is plausible that the main dichotomy between palaces and ordinary settlements is indicated by the use of a category of cooking equipment that is preserved only in rare cases, namely metal vessels (Matthäus 1980). If haute cuisine 5 was ever developed in Bronze Age Greece (Hruby 2006;Isaakidou 2007), it may well have been metal cooking pots that were primarily used for preparation of the elaborate dishes. L. Bendall speculated on different qualities of drinking vessels used at Pylos, which were linked to different status of their users. ...
... Nevertheless, although both the assemblage of this room and the involvement of the palace in perfumed oil production have been widely discussed, the connection between the two has never been strongly suggested. 9 The two-handled cooking pots, together with all the other unusual pots found in that room, helped me to contest theories interpreting Room 60 as a storage room for equipment used for feeding the palace staff (Hruby 2006) or lower-ranked participants in feasting episodes outside of the palace (Bendall 2004). I put forward another hypothesis that at least part of the assemblage had some industrial use, possibly in connection with perfumed oil production (Lis 2008b). ...
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... Other studies of the Pylian ceramic system have tended to confi rm the results of my research. Hruby, Knappett , and Whitelaw, for example, drew similar conclusions about the Pylian pott ery industry based on analyses of Linear B evidence and excavation data from the palace: the industry was relatively de-centralized and un-controllable (Hruby 2006;Knappett 2001;Whitelaw 2001;see also Sherratt 1999;van Wij ngaarden 1999). The palace purchased and/or produced enough pott ery to fi ll its own needs fi rst, and excess pott ery may have been given away, perhaps at ritual events such as feasts, and, more rarely, exported (e.g., to Canaan; see Gunneweg and Michel 1999). ...
... The other two pott ers are not named and we know litt le about them, except that they are from re-ka-ta-ne (Papadopoulos 1997, 459). Given the results of my research and that of Hruby's, it seems altogether possible that pi-ri-ta-wo produced the fi ne ware pott ery found at the palace, whereas the other pott ers mentioned in the tablets (or pott ers of similar status) produced the coarse wares (Hruby 2006; see also Wiener 2007). There is thus a remarkable convergence of evidence indicating that fi ne ware pott ery was produced, distributed, and consumed in contexts that were very diff erent from those in which coarse ware pott ery was produced, distributed, and consumed. ...
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