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PRISMA Flow Diagram Identification

PRISMA Flow Diagram Identification

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Article
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The impact of representative bureaucracy on public organizational performance has received a good deal of attention in public management. However, the literature provides little systematic rationalization about the effects of the individual constructs of representative bureaucracy on organizational performance. This meta‐analysis of 648 effect size...

Contexts in source publication

Context 1
... As for organizational performance, 12 articles focused on effectiveness, 22 on efficiency, 11 on representation, 21 on equity, and 14 on multiple dimensions. The PRISMA flow diagram describing the detailed procedures of literature search is presented in Figure 1. ...
Context 2
... As for organizational performance, 12 articles focused on effectiveness, 22 on efficiency, 11 on representation, 21 on equity, and 14 on multiple dimensions. The PRISMA flow diagram describing the detailed procedures of literature search is presented in Figure 1. ...

Citations

... Strolovitch 2013) the goals-related literature we reviewed paid little attention to the relationship between goal formation and individual and group demographic characteristics such as, for example, age, education, wealth, income, sex, gender, and identity. Indeed, literature on representative bureaucracy and social equity have shown important consequences of these factors for public management (Ding, Lu, and Riccucci 2021), and thus no doubt they also influence goal formation (Rainey, Fernandez, and Malatesta 2021). Future research should attend to these potential likely effects. ...
Article
Full-text available
Organizational goals lie at the heart of strategic public management. While research has centred on the performance impact of organizational goals and goal clarity, the field remains unclear on where organizational goals come from and how they form over time. We argue that research has suffered from the lack of a multi-level, process-focused theoretical framework through which goal formation can be understood and studied. Drawing on a problematizing review of the goals-related literature and strategic management-related theory, we develop such a framework, which provides conceptual order to a field that is rather messy in theory and in practice.
... The empirical research examining representative bureaucracy has been applied in a variety of policy and occupational contexts, and across these contexts, the theory of representative bureaucracy has often been used to examine demographic characteristics such as race and gender (Ding, Lu, and Riccucci 2021). Taken as a whole, this research has indicated that racial representation is associated with positive benefits such as reductions in police misconduct and overall crime rates (Hong 2016(Hong , 2017, increases in student pass rates on assessments (Pitts 2005), educational improvements for students of color (Grissom, Nicholson-Crotty, and Nicholson-Crotty 2009), more federal contracts awarded to minority-owned business (Fernandez, Malatesta, and Smith 2013), and improved perceptions and assessments of police performance by Black individuals (Riccucci, Van Ryzin, and Jackson 2018); and gender representation scholars have found benefits for girls in math classes (Keiser et al. 2002), increased reports of sexual assaults and subsequent case resolutions for victims (Meier and Nicholson-Crotty 2006), and greater willingness by women to coproduce in recycling programs (Riccucci, Van Ryzin and Li 2016). ...
Article
Representing diverse identities in government is important for equal employment, symbolic benefits, and opportunities to improve public service outcomes. This article uses qualitative interviews with 32 frontline police officers to examine the ways in which personal and professional identities intersect to promote or impede those benefits. The findings highlight how holding similar sociodemographic identities with the public can be a source of strength as it pertains to promoting shared understanding and reducing the social distance that comes with identity incongruence. However, internal identity conflicts arise as White officers overcome culture shock and endure learning curves, whereas officers of color navigate the dual pressures of empathetic treatment (that comes with shared personal identity) versus arms‐length treatment (that comes with professional identification). Even then, as seen in this study, the way officers treat and interact with the community is imperative and can overcome symbolic identity barriers.
... LeRoux's (2009) research, for example, suggests that nonprofits engage in political representation, education, and mobilization at higher rates when leadership is more racially reflective of the organization's constituents. Similarly, scholars in political science and public administration have highlighted how descriptive representation can impact the ability of public organizations to produce greater equity and effectiveness (Ding, et al., 2021;Meier, 2019). Empirical studies have found that constituents have more confidence or trust when they share salient demographic characteristics with the bureaucrats who are serving them (Riccucci & Van Ryzin, 2017). ...
... Empirical studies have found that constituents have more confidence or trust when they share salient demographic characteristics with the bureaucrats who are serving them (Riccucci & Van Ryzin, 2017). Under the right conditions, symbolic representation can be translated into more active, substantive representation and bureaucrats may push for decisions, policy, and practices that are most beneficial for constituents who share a salient identity (Ding, et al., 2021;Meier, 2019). For example, García Bedolla and Michelson (2012) show how canvassers who shared a salient identity with prospective voters had a positive influence on voter participation. ...
Conference Paper
Full-text available
Over the past two decades, voter suppression efforts have increased dramatically across the U.S. These restrictions are deeply rooted in a history of exclusion and suppression of voters based on race, gender, and class. Community organizations, with their deep roots, knowledge, and trust among historically undercounted communities, have significant potential to mitigate racialized political threats in ways that counter voter suppression and facilitate greater voter participation among those communities. Scholars argue that descriptive representation, when leaders of an organization mirror the politically relevant characteristics of its constituents such as race, ethnicity, and gender, can play an important role as nonprofits mediate or bridge between historically marginalized constituents and the promise of representative democracy. Reflecting on our recent research on outreach during the 2020 census count, we argue that the labor of descriptive representation, particularly in the face of racialized political threats like voter suppression, is highly skilled and more complex than currently indicated in the literature. Staff who share a racial or ethnic identity with their constituents work to break barriers to access, provide nuanced linguistic and cultural translation, perform extensive sociocultural labor to build trust, and engage in intense cognitive and emotional labor as they weigh the benefits and risks of encouraging their constituents to engage with government. We call for greater awareness of the role of descriptive labor and increased investment in community organizations, staff, and coalitions that are essential for transforming voter suppression into voter mobilization among historically disenfranchised communities.
... As a research synthesis technique alternative to the traditional narrative review method, meta-analysis enables researchers to distill statistical information from original studies, take stock of their quantitative findings, and integrate them to establish cumulative knowledge across different research settings (Glass, 1976). Though initially developed for psychological and education research, the method has been increasingly used by public administration scholars to synthesize existing knowledge towards scientific generalizations (Bel et al., 2010;Cantarelli et al., 2016;Ding et al., 2021;Lu, 2018;Wirtz and Daiser, 2018). ...
Article
Full-text available
Contracting back-in has received growing scholarly attention, but there is little empirical consensus in the literature as to what drives governments to bring previously contracted work back in-house and to what extent. This study performs a meta-analysis to synthesize 332 effect sizes from 16 existing studies concerning the antecedents of contracting back-in across different countries. The analysis indicates that contracting back-in is a market management strategy driven by low levels of market competition, high proportions of for-profit contractors, insufficient cost savings, and inadequate contract management. Meanwhile, contracting back-in is a political move shaped by left-wing political ideology and employee opposition to outsourcing. Environmental factors including unemployment rate, population size, and population density also play a role. This study provides empirical generalizations of previous results and contributes a more coherent knowledge base for future studies. Points for practitioners Our analysis indicates that contracting back-in is driven by a mix of both pragmatic and political factors, but pragmatic factors related to contracting management complexity shape contracting back-in in a more forceful way. Our findings also suggest that factors pushing governments to contract out do not necessarily have an impact on contracting back-in. Government decisions to contract out and contract back-in may be based on different considerations.
... The presence of women and minorities at higher-level or supervisory positions increases active representation (Mosher 1968;Meier and Nigro 1976;Kanter 1977), while active representation frequently occurs at the street level (Thompson 1976;Meier and Stewart 1992;Meier 1993). A recent meta-analysis indicated that street-level bureaucrats with expertise and discretion have a greater impact on citizens/clients and bureaucratic performance (Ding et al. 2021). However, only a few studies have examined both the supervisory-level and street-level representation within a bureaucratic organization (e.g., Meier and Stewart 1992;Keiser et al. 2002;Wilkins and Keiser 2004;Meier and O'Toole 2006; Agyapong 2018, among others), and demographic congruence between supervisors (managers) and subordinates (frontline bureaucrats) (e.g., Grissom and Keiser 2011;Grissom et al. 2012;Groeneveld and Meier 2021). ...
... The study speaks to a contextualized understanding of representative bureaucracy (Kennedy 2014;Groeneveld et al. 2015;Peters et al. 2015;Meier 2019;Park 2021;Ding et al. 2021 .09 -0.39* -0.01 -0.56* (1) %Poverty rate (regional), (2) %Women's education (regional), (3) %Womens' unemployment (regional), (4) %Women executives (national), (5) %Women in PO-RALG (ministerial), (6) %Women executives (regional), (7) election (national), (8) Actual expenditure (PO-RALG), (9) Number of constituents (regional), (10) Budget estimates (regional), (11) Population (regional), (12) GDP per capita (regional), (13) %Unemployment (national) The number of observations included in the analysis are 308. ...
Article
Full-text available
This study examines whether and where bureaucratic representation occurs within the bureaucratic hierarchy, and how intergovernmental representation contributes to government efforts to reduce social disparities and improve gender-related outcomes. The context is the national/central, ministerial, and regional governments of the United Republic of Tanzania for 14 years (2006-2019). The findings reveal that gender representation at the upper level of government plays a primary role in reducing poverty, but its impact on women's socioeconomic status, i.e., women's education and unemployment rate, is limited within the study context. The findings also highlight that the existence and the impact of intergovernmental representation depend on the primary missions of the government at different levels, policy outcomes of interest, and social contexts where identities are constructed and interpreted. This study claims that the potential interdependence of bureaucratic representation across multiple government agencies and institutions deserves more attention in the representative bureaucracy scholarship. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
... LeRoux's (2009) research, for example, suggests that nonprofits engage in political representation, education, and mobilization at higher rates when leadership is more racially reflective of the organization's constituents. Similarly, scholars in political science and public administration have highlighted how descriptive representation can impact the ability of public organizations to produce greater equity and effectiveness (Ding, et al., 2021;Meier, 2019). Empirical studies have found that constituents have more confidence or trust when they share salient demographic characteristics with the bureaucrats who are serving them (Riccucci & Van Ryzin, 2017). ...
... Empirical studies have found that constituents have more confidence or trust when they share salient demographic characteristics with the bureaucrats who are serving them (Riccucci & Van Ryzin, 2017). Under the right conditions, symbolic representation can be translated into more active, substantive representation and bureaucrats may push for decisions, policy, and practices that are most beneficial for constituents who share a salient identity (Ding, et al., 2021;Meier, 2019). For example, García Bedolla and Michelson (2012) show how canvassers who shared a salient identity with prospective voters had a positive influence on voter participation. ...
Conference Paper
Over the past two decades, voter suppression efforts have increased dramatically across the U.S. These restrictions are deeply rooted in a history of exclusion and suppression of voters based on race, gender, and class. Community organizations, with their deep roots, knowledge, and trust among historically undercounted communities, have significant potential to mitigate racialized political threats in ways that counter voter suppression and facilitate greater voter participation among those communities. Scholars argue that descriptive representation, when leaders of an organization mirror the politically relevant characteristics of its constituents such as race, ethnicity, and gender, can play an important role as nonprofits mediate or bridge between historically marginalized constituents and the promise of representative democracy. Reflecting on our recent research on outreach during the 2020 census count, we argue that the labor of descriptive representation, particularly in the face of racialized political threats like voter suppression, is highly skilled and more complex than currently indicated in the literature. Staff who share a racial or ethnic identity with their constituents work to break barriers to access, provide nuanced linguistic and cultural translation, perform extensive sociocultural labor to build trust, and engage in intense cognitive and emotional labor as they weigh the benefits and risks of encouraging their constituents to engage with government. We call for greater awareness of the role of descriptive labor and increased investment in community organizations, staff, and coalitions that are essential for transforming voter suppression into voter mobilization among historically disenfranchised communities.
Article
A frequently proposed “solution” to the problem of racially targeted policing is to diversify the leadership of a police department, such as instate a Black police chief. However, little is known about how and when such changes may alter policing outcomes. Here, we question whether this descriptive representation leads to a reduction in racial disparities in policing outcomes and how the political and social context may condition that relationship – captured by why a transition took place. To test this, we turn to traffic stop data from nine agencies in Illinois that had variation in chief race between 2004 and 2018. We find that who heads a police department – and why they were appointed (i.e., transition type) – is linked to search rates following a traffic stop, which has implications for work on race and policing, descriptive representation, and local politics.