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4 News coverage of the Handsworth ‘Mugging’ (Hall et al., 1978, p.   83). 

4 News coverage of the Handsworth ‘Mugging’ (Hall et al., 1978, p. 83). 

Context in source publication

Context 1
... social reaction to youth culture was as much of a preoccupation for the Centre as the documentation of its origins and manifestation. Mainstream or the ‘dominant’ society did not, as they noted, ‘calmly sit on the sidelines throughout the period and watch the subcultures at play’ (ibid., p. 71). Youth came to symbolise social change. Although social change in post-War Britain was seen as largely positive – for example increased affluence and choice – it also threatened the traditional ordering of society leading to social anxiety. The result of this was the creation of moral panics – ‘a spiral in which the social groups who perceive their world and position as threatened, identify a “responsible enemy,” and emerge as the vociferous guardians of traditional values’ (ibid., p. 72) around the new and highly visible youth subcultures. As Clarke and colleagues argued, events associated in particular with the rise of the Teddy Boy and mods were ‘classic moral panics’ and each ‘was seen as signifying, in microcosm, a wider and deeper social problem – the problem of youth as a whole’ (ibid.). Moral panics, likewise, occurred around the ‘rebellious’ behaviour of middle class youth leading to heightened concerns over permissiveness, drugs, sexuality and por- nography. Indeed, whereas working class youth groups were thought symptomatic of the depth of civil unrest, middle class groups ‘with their public disaffiliation, their ideological attack on “straight society,” their relentless search for pleasure and gratification . . . were interpreted as action, more consciously and deliberately, to undermine social and moral stability’ (ibid.). They damaged the very fabric of society. The result of such moral panics was the beginnings of a more punitive, law and order society in which young people were often the target of increasing levels of social control. This theme was to be developed further in Policing the Crisis . Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State and Law and Order , to give the book its full title, was published as part of the critical social studies series edited by Paul Walton and Jock Young and is regarded by many as the seminal text of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies. Whereas Resistance through Rituals is remarkable for its youthful (no pun intended) enthusiasm for its subject matter, Policing the Crisis is a much more scholarly enterprise. The aim of the book was to examine the social phenomenon of ‘mugging’ – to understand its social context and meaning and especially why at a particular historical moment, that of the early 1970s, British society was reacting to it in such an extreme way. It illustrates how the themes of race, class and youth were all ‘condensed into the image of “mugging” ’ (Hall et al., 1978, p. viii), what this symbolised and its resulting impact on the development of a law and order society. Its impetus was the severe sentencing handed down to three young men of mixed ethnicity, Paul Storey, James Duignan and Mustafa Fuat, who had ‘mugged’ a man on his way home from a pub in Handsworth, Birmingham, leaving him robbed and seriously injured. It was a very brutal attack. Paul Storey, judged to be the ‘ringleader’, who was 16 years old, received a sentence of 20 years, the other two sentences of 10 years. The case received a tremendous amount of news coverage ( Figure 1.4). From this incident, the authors examine the use of the word ‘mugging’, a label appropri- ated from the United States, although originating in Victorian England, and not, of course, a recognised criminal offence (Mooney, 1992). The label, with its imported American con- notations relating to ‘the race conflict; the urban crisis; rising crime, the breakdown of “law and order”; the liberal conspiracy; the white backlash’ (Hall et al., 1978, p. 27), was used to suggest rising levels of street crime and as indicative of a society that was rapidly racing out of control. As the Birmingham Evening Mail reported on 20 March 1973, ‘Britain seems to be edging too close for comfort to the American pattern of urban violence’ (ibid., p. 26). Hall and his colleagues sought to examine the statistical basis for the ‘mugging’ panic. They showed that the incidence of the offence closest to the label ‘mugging’, that of ‘robbery or assault with intent to rob’, did not rise as dramatically as that reported. Indeed, the increase that occurred was largely caused by the conflating of non-violent offences, such as ‘snatches’ and pick-pocketing, with those of ‘robbery or assault with intent to rob’. This was also to occur in Brixton, London, in the 1980s. Here, again, the figures were conflated resulting in a seemingly steep rise in violent street offences. The heavy-handed police tactics employed in a bid to combat the ‘rise’ – including increased use of stops and search, which were largely racially targeted – were a major factor behind the subsequent Brixton riots (Mooney, 1992). For the authors of Policing the Crisis , if the so-called ‘rising tide of mugging’ (Hall et al., 1978, p. 26) of the early 1970s was without foundation, what on earth was going on? The answer to this was a ‘moral panic’ over mugging and the supposed criminality of black youth. As in Resistance through Rituals , the 1970s are presented as a time of heightened social anxiety in which the traditional way of life was under threat. Older people felt a ‘loss’ of close family ties, respect, discipline, a sense of community and ‘Englishness’. And although this was perceived as a period of increased affluence in which ‘poverty as a way of life was widely said and thought to be disappearing’, in actual fact it ‘refused to disappear; indeed, not long after it was, magically, rediscovered’ (ibid., p.158). As a result, ‘mugging’ came to represent a society that had ‘slipped “out of control” ’ (Clarke, 2008, p. 311) and the ‘black mugger’ became the convenient ‘folk devil’, the scapegoat on which social anxieties could be projected. It is, therefore, not surprising that the state, confronted by a ‘crisis in hegemony’, became more punitive, launching into a ‘war on crime’, in order to re-establish its legitimacy and authority. The result of the ‘crisis’ is, therefore, a drift towards a ‘law and order society’ and the rise of the ‘exceptional’ state in ...

Citations

... The emergence of critical criminology Polletta (2006) argues that bouts of collective action are set against narratives that report injustice and suggest that a (socially subjective) 'fairer' world can emerge from the mobilisation. A narrative that we do not wish to disrupt has been widely told about roots of British critical criminology can be traced back to the 1968 National Deviancy Conference (hereon NDC), held at York University (see Carlen, 2002;Jefferson, 2021;Mooney, 2011;Pavlich and Brannigan, 2007;Young, 2011). This narrative offers a group of scholars who sought to collaborate to develop a 'fairer' way of understanding crime and criminality than 'official' and Home Office analysis (Ruggiero, 2021). ...
... As Rock argues (above), the book gave birth to a new -Marxist-influenced -way of understanding 'crime and criminality' in which they sought to build upon the symbolic interactionists critiques by placing this within a conflict theory perspective to try to examine the dynamics of society as a whole. Hence, the aim of creating 'a fully social theory' of crime and deviance was born (Mooney, 2011). Alongside the Marxist assumptions about the economic base largely controlling individual behaviour, The New Criminology made two sizable methodological and philosophical contributions to understanding crime which clearly broke from the official approaches. ...
... However, at the final NDC conference -held in 1979 -Jock Young coined the term 'left idealism' to refer to the first wave of critical criminology and began to give preference to a second wave of 'left realism' critical criminology. This showed a clear fracture in the group's previous theoretical unity (Mooney, 2011). Also in 1979, Margaret Thatcher became Prime Minister of Britain with an administration of the radical -and new -right. ...
Book
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This is a draft copy only. I did not upload the finalised form but have found a copy of it here: https://bibis.ir/chosen-books/sport/2022/Sport%20and%20Crime%20Towards%20a%20Critical%20Criminology%20of%20Sport_bibis.ir.pdf Sport, Criminology
... Nove teorije devijacije koje se tiču označavanja i stigmatizacije naglasile su potrebu za razvijanje osećaja za nevolje bespomoćnih, marginalizovanih i onih čiji se glas ne čuje (Downes and Rock 2011); lako je utvrditi kako su principi i naglašavanja ovog talasa inovacije u sociologiji i kriminologiji uticali na stavove u vezi tretiranja domorodaca i nepravde prema okolini. Uticaj Marksista ili kritičke kriminologije (Mooney 2013;Taylor et al. 1973), u raznim permutacijama, naglašava zločine moćnih i jačanje predrasuda u dominantnim okvirima zakona. Kritička pitanja u vezi prirode prava privatne svojine nasuprot ideje životne sredine kao zajedničkog nasleđa će se neizbežno javiti. ...
Article
Full-text available
This paper traces aspects of the development of a 'green' criminology. It starts with personal reflections and then describes the emergence of explicit statements of a green criminological perspective. Initially these statements were independently voiced in different parts of the world but they reflected shared concerns. These works have found unification as a 'green', 'eco-global' or 'conservation' criminology. The paper reviews the classifications available when talking about not only legally - defined crimes but also legally perpetrated harms, as well as typologies of such harms and crimes. It then looks at the integration of 'green' and 'traditional' criminological thinking before briefly exploring four dimensions of concern for today and the future.
... Contemporary critical criminology originated in the United States and the United King dom (DeKeseredy & Dragiewicz, 2018B;Michalowski, 2012;Mooney, 2012), but the field is now characterized by international collaboration and intellectual cross-fertilization. What Schwendinger, Schwendinger, and Lynch (2008) refer to as "compatible perspec tives" are also found in countries such as Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Cuba, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden (Ugwudike, 2015). ...
Chapter
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There is no single critical criminology. Rather, there are critical criminologies with differ ent histories, methods, theories, and political perspectives. However, critical criminology is often defined as a perspective that views the major sources of crime as the unequal class, race/ethnic, and gender relations that control our society. Critical criminologists op pose prisons and other draconian means of social control. Their main goal is major radi cal and cultural change, but they recognize that these transitions will not occur in the current neoliberal era. Hence, most critical criminologists propose short-term anticrime policies and practices and fundamental social, economic, and political transformations, such as a change from a capitalist economy to one based on more socialist principles.
... New deviancy theories concerned with labelling and stigmatisation had emphasised the need for sensitivity to the plight of the powerless, marginalised and voiceless (Downes and Rock IJCJ&SD 9 Online version via www.crimejusticejournal.com © 2014 3(2) 2011) and it is easy to see how the principles and emphases of this wave of innovation in the sociology of deviance and criminology informs thinking about speciesism, the treatment of indigenous peoples and environmental injustice. The influence of Marxist or critical criminology (Mooney 2013;Taylor et al. 1973), in various permutations, highlighted the crimes of the powerful and the entrenchment of bias within dominant frameworks of law. Critical questions about the nature of private property rights versus the idea of the environment as a shared heritage to be held in common for all inevitably follow. ...
Article
Full-text available
This paper traces aspects of the development of a ‘green’ criminology. It starts with personal reflections and then describes the emergence of explicit statements of a green criminological perspective. Initially these statements were independently voiced, in different parts of the world but they reflected shared concerns. These works have found unification as a ‘green’, ‘eco‐global’ or ‘conservation’ criminology. The paper reviews the classifications available when talking about not only legally‐defined crimes but also legally perpetrated harms, as well as typologies of such harms and crimes. It then looks at the integration of ‘green’ and ‘traditional’ criminological thinking before briefly exploring four dimensions of concern for today and the future.
Article
This article builds on previous work that argues that a useful path for a “queer/ed criminology” to follow is one that takes “queer” to denote a position. It suggests that one way of developing such an approach is to adopt a particular understanding of critique—specifically one that draws from Michel Foucault’s view of critique as “the art of not being governed.” It then charts some of the possible directions for such a “queer/ed criminology.” While such an approach to critique has previously been discussed within critical criminologies, this article suggests that it is useful for queer criminologists to explore the opportunities that it affords, particularly in order to better appreciate how “queer/ed criminology” might connect to, draw from, or push against other currents among critical criminologies, and help to delineate the unique contribution that this kind of “queer/ed criminology” might make.