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Network of co-sponsorship among Swiss MPs

Network of co-sponsorship among Swiss MPs

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This article investigates whether linkages between members of parliament (MPs) and interest groups matter for MPs' activities of co-sponsoring legislative proposals. Based on statistical models for network data, the study builds on classical explanations of co-sponsorships highlighting the role of similar ties between MPs, such as party membership,...

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... Si cette question reste encore largement ouverte, quelques indicateurs tendent néanmoins à démontrer que les liens d'intérêt ne sont pas sans effet sur les activités des parlementaires. Ainsi, Fischer et al. (2019) ont observé que deux parlementaires liés au même type de groupes d'intérêt (économique, public, etc.) ou à des groupes d'intérêt qui sont actifs dans le même domaine politique sont aussi plus susceptibles de cosigner les propositions (initiatives parlementaires, motions ou postulats) de leur alter ego. ...
... Alors que l'analyse précitée s'est intéressée aux effets de la pratique consistant à cosigner les interventions parlementaires, une autre étude a porté son attention sur les déterminants des cosignatures, c'est-à-dire aux facteurs qui expliquent que les parlementaires soutiennent par leurs cosignatures une proposition déposée par leurs pairs. Cette étude, qui couvre une période plus limitée (postulats, motions et initiatives parlementaires déposés entre 2011 et 2015), montre que les parlementaires cosignent plus facilement des propositions de collègues qui appartiennent au même parti, siègent dans la même commission parlementaire, proviennent du même canton ou sont du même sexe (Fischer et al. 2019). Outre ces formes classiques « d'homophilie », deux parlementaires liés au même type de groupes d'intérêt (groupes d'intérêt économique, groupes d'intérêt public, syndicats, etc.) ou à des groupes d'intérêt actifs dans le même domaine politique sont également plus susceptibles de cosigner les propositions de leur alter ego (ibid.). ...
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Autrefois réputé pour sa grande stabilité, le système politique suisse a connu de profondes transformations au cours des trois dernières décennies. Ce livre se fait l’écho de ces changements, au travers d’un état des lieux complet et transdisciplinaire des connaissances sur la politique suisse en ce début de 21e siècle. Il traite tour à tour des institutions fondamentales (fédéralisme, neutralité, démocratie directe), des acteurs politiques étatiques (gouvernement, Parlement) et non étatiques (partis politiques, groupes d’intérêt), des processus de prise de décision, ainsi que des arcanes et des détenteurs du pouvoir. L’auteur adopte une approche résolument comparative et situe la politique suisse dans son environnement international et européen. D’une grande clarté, cet ouvrage vient pallier le manque d’un ouvrage de synthèse sur la politique suisse en langue française. Il s’adresse aux chercheuses et chercheurs et aux étudiantes et étudiants en sciences sociales et politiques, et plus généralement au public averti intéressé par la politique suisse.
... Yet in the parliamentary arena, MPs collectively either make binding decisions on policies or are involved in holding the government accountable by asking questions. MPs also use the parliamentary arena for setting the agenda, making use of the diverse instruments that allow them to either intervene in ongoing policy processes or bring a completely new issue on the agenda (Fischer et al., 2019). MPs thus have the opportunity to integrate issues into many different policies, and thus into the policies of many different sectors. ...
... Future research could offer a more nuanced view of the parliamentary process in multiple ways. First, additional attribute data such as MPs' links to interest groups could be considered to provide a more nuanced picture of who drives policy integration, given that these links provide MPs with knowledge and other resources (e.g., Fischer et al., 2019). Second, different crosscutting issues related not only to the environment (health, gender, etc.) could be compared to determine how the picture of MP activity might change. ...
... Doing so, we proposed an innovative combination of theoretical insights and empirical foci from different literatures: First, the policy integration and mainstreaming literature emphasizes the importance and the different aspects of policy integration (Candel & Biesbroek, 2016;Cejudo & Trein, 2022;Jordan & Lenschow, 2010;Runhaar et al., 2014;Tosun & Lang, 2017). Second, the literature on parliamentary behavior emphasizes that MPs have different characteristics, resources, interests and strategies for their parliamentary activities, and are successful in achieving their goals to different degrees (Buzogány & Ćetković, 2021;Fischer et al., 2019;OAS, 2017;Sciarini et al., 2021;Vogeler, 2022). Finally, by employing a long-term perspective, we respond to the emphasis of the policy process literature on studying longer periods and process dynamics (e.g., Sabatier & Weible, 2007). ...
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... There are currently several works based on networks built from data regarding bills co-sponsorship, with focus on different aspects of the legislative activities, such as: partisanship versus cooperation and collaboration among parties and lawmakers [1,22,16,20,17,2,32], the formation of interest groups or caucus in the congressmen networks [15,31], evaluating government strength or support in the Congress [13,25,29,33], the representation of minority interests in the parliament [14], the relationship between fundraising campaigns and congressmen voting behavior [5], and even for corruption prediction purposes [11]. In another study [19], which is more directly related to this one, the authors investigated the collaboration and partisanship evolution in the Brazilian House of Representatives, by using minimum spanning tree networks built from roll-call voting data, comprising the period from 2003 until 2008. ...
... Given that there are currently 33 political parties in Brazil, then the maximum number of nodes in the network obtained from current voting data, in the hypothetical situation where all parties currently occupy seats in the House, will be 34, i.e., the total number of parties plus one additional node to represent the government. Building a network from bills co-sponsorship data is a well known technique, that already has been extensively applied in other related studies [14,21,15]. However, most of these works focus on the analysis of roll-call voting data at the House members level, and not at the parties level, as in the case of this approach. ...
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... Studies show that these exchange relationships between interest groups and individual MPs have far reaching consequences. They have an impact on MPs' agenda-setting activities (Fischer et al., 2019), parliamentary oversight of government , and eventually also on MPs' policy decisions and thus on substantive representation (Giger and Klüver, 2016;Gilens and Page, 2014;Klüver and Pickup, 2019). Importantly, these latter studies show variation across interest groups. ...
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... Business associations could also not be included in the measure because they arguably provide both types of benefits. Not only are they strong providers of political support (Fischer et al. 2019;Grossmann and Dominguez 2009;Wonka and Haunss 2019), anecdotal evidence also emphasises very attractive salaries. 7 ...
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