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In order to understand the way in which people self-identify in society and as a contribution to debates about class identity in Latin America, in this article the authors assess how individuals categorize themselves and others socially, and discuss whether a significant portion of the population classifies itself as middle class. They address the...
Context in source publication
Context 1
... also incorporated respondent income as an indicator of socio-economic status in order to establish whether this is associated with the naming of social position. In Figure 3, categories with a higher degree of association are represented by points positioned in close proximity, while the most disassociated categories are represented by points positioned further apart. ...
Citations
... In particular, the vignettes presented to the respondents describe four fictitious characters who embody the classifications of members of Chilean society expressed during a previous survey applied to a statistically representative sample of the Chilean population (Mac-Clure et al., 2019;Mac-Clure et al., 2022). These fictitious individuals correspond to the subjective definition of four social strata: lower, lower-middle, upper-middle, and the economic elite. ...
This paper examines individual's evaluation of distributive justice in Chile. The objective is to explore how individuals' subjective social position affects their judgment of their own income and whether this judgment rests on a notion of merit. We use data from a vignette-based survey to analyze evaluations by a representative sample of people from three urban areas. The results show that an evaluation of unfairness with respect to their income prevails among the respondents, especially among those who identify themselves as belonging to the lower or lower-middle social stratum. These differences between subjective social positions become even more pronounced when individuals elaborate their judgment by including a meritocratic criterion based on the effort to educate themselves. However, no significant differences in justice evaluations are observed between objective social positions based on income or education. Our findings underscore the importance of subjective social position in people's evaluations of distributive justice.
... En particular, las viñetas presentadas a los encuestados describen a cuatro personas ficticias que caracterizan la forma como los individuos clasifican a las personas en la sociedad chilena, de acuerdo con los resultados de una encuesta anterior a una muestra estadísticamente representativa de la población chilena (Mac-Clure et al., 2019;Mac-Clure et al., 2022). Estas personas ficticias corresponden a la definición subjetiva de cuatro estratos sociales: bajo, medio-bajo, medio-alto y élite económica. ...
Este artículo se refiere a la evaluación de los individuos acerca de la justicia distributiva en Chile. El objetivo consiste en examinar cómo la posición social subjetiva de las personas afecta su juicio respecto a sus propios ingresos y si este juicio descansa en la noción de mérito. Usamos datos provenientes de una encuesta basada en viñetas, para conocer las apreciaciones por parte de individuos de una muestra representativa de tres áreas urbanas. Los resultados muestran que entre los encuestados prevalece una evaluación de injusticia con respecto de sus ingresos, especialmente entre quienes se identifican como pertenecientes a un estrato social bajo o medio-bajo. Estas diferencias entre posiciones sociales subjetivas se hacen aún más fuertes cuando los individuos elaboran su juicio incluyendo un criterio meritocrático basado en el esfuerzo por educarse. Sin embargo, no se observan diferencias significativas en las evaluaciones de justicia al comparar entre posiciones sociales objetivas basadas en ingreso o educación. Nuestros hallazgos relevan la importancia de la posición social subjetiva en las evaluaciones que realizan las personas sobre la justicia distributiva.
... A recent study has suggested that class consciousness could be a fruitful research agenda in Chile and current capitalist societies in general (Pérez-Ahumada, 2014). In addition, empirical evidence suggests that the majority of Chileans define their social position in reference to unequal distribution of socioeconomic resources, rather than making an explicit reference to specific social classes (MacClure, Barozet, & Valenzuela, 2020). In contrast to class identity, SSS does not include a specific dimension of stratification (Karlsson, 2017). ...
Sociological research has long shown that cultural participation is socially stratified. We build on this literature to discuss the role of the subjective and objective dimensions of stratification, and how they are linked to practices of social distinction through cultural consumption. The aim of this study is to understand (1) the effect of subjective and objective social status on patterns of cultural participation, and (2) the implications of the status inconsistency between objective and subjective social status. We use a probabilistic and representative sample of the Chilean urban population over the age of 18. Latent class analyses show that a significant proportion of Chileans can be considered cultural omnivores. Multinomial diagonal reference models suggest that omnivorousness is positively predicted by subjective and objective social status. Moreover, regarding inconsistency, objective social status is prominent in the explanation of omnivorousness for both status-underestimating (SSS<OSS) and status-overestimating actors (SSS>OSS). These findings provide important insights for discussing the implications of status inconsistency on cultural consumption.
Purpose
The social sciences have extensively studied meals; nonetheless, a few have investigated the menu format, with all the data originating from European countries. Within this framework, the novelty of this research is that it analyses the relationship between social class and lunch structure among adults in a Global South city: Santiago, Chile.
Design/methodology/approach
The study worked with data from the Survey of Commensality in Adults (>18) of the Metropolitan Region, which used a questionnaire and a self-administered eating event diary. The analysis unit was lunches ( n = 3,595). The dependent variable was the structure of the lunches (single course, starter with a main course, a main course with dessert or a full-course menu with starter, main course and dessert). The independent variable was the individual’s social class (either the working, intermediate or service class).
Findings
The data showed that lunches are mostly semi- or fully structured (only 44.5% of the lunches reported by the participants contained a single course). The odds of eating a single course were lower in the service class than the working one and the odds of eating a full-course meal were higher in the service class than the working one.
Originality/value
The results provide new quantitative evidence from a representative sample of a Global South city about the relevance of social class as a differentiating factor in food, specifically regarding the existence of simpler meals among the lower classes.
La noción de ciudad intermedia ha adquirido gran importancia en años recientes en Chile y en América Latina. Aunque usualmente la referencia de dicha noción es clara, lo que define y distingue a una ciudad intermedia como tal, resulta bastante menos claro. En este artículo, examinamos diferentes propuestas para definir este concepto. Observamos que las definiciones absolutas de tamaño, que suelen usarse como definiciones operacionales, no resultan adecuadas. Además, definiciones basadas en el rol y ubicación que cumplen esas ciudades resultan más útiles, pero ellas también se enfrentan a dificultades. Concluimos planteando que explorar posibilidades que entrega una aproximación que defiende una definición basada en la idea de modo de vida podría ser una aproximación interesante para definir estas ciudades.
Is class-based contact associated with legitimation of inequality? Drawing from the idea that people adopt beliefs predominant in groups with whom they interact, we hypothesized that upper-class contact would correspond to greater legitimation of inequality, whereas lower-class contact would correspond to lesser legitimation of inequality among lower- and upper-class individuals. We also hypothesized that middle-class individuals might possess a more precarious identity, leading lower-class contact to correspond to higher legitimation of inequality. We tested hypotheses using a nationally representative sample from Chile (N = 4,446; Study 1), and nationally representative samples from 28 countries (N = 43,811; Study 2). Support for hypotheses was mixed. Upper-class contact was often associated with greater legitimation of inequality, whereas lower-class contact was frequently related to lower legitimation of inequality. Patterns emerged among most social class groups, but there was also variation across groups. We discuss potential explanations for results along with theoretical implications for class-based contact.
El objetivo de este artículo es comprender cómo definen los individuos su posición social durante la crisis sociopolítica abierta por el estallido social del 2019 en Chile. Se utiliza una encuesta basada en viñetas en una muestra estadísticamente representativa en Santiago y Puerto Montt. Los resultados muestran que las dos formas principales de nombrar la posición social subjetiva, según clase social u otros atributos, abarcan a una similar cantidad de individuos. Los encuestados que apelan a clase social se autoclasifican preferentemente en la clase media baja, mientras quienes hacen referencia a otros atributos tienden a posicionarse subjetivamente en la clase baja. También se estima en qué medida el tipo de posición subjetiva depende de las condiciones socioeconómicas de los respondentes.
Cultural omnivorousness and status inconsistency in Chile: the role of objective and subjective social status Sociological research has long suggested that cultural participation is socially stratified. We build on this literature to discuss the role of the subjective and objective dimensions of stratification, and how they are linked to practices of social distinction through cultural consumption. The aim of this study is to understand (1) the effect of subjective and objective social status on patterns of cultural participation, and (2) the implications of the status inconsistency. We use a probabilistic and representative sample of the Chilean urban population over the age of 18. Latent class analyses show that a significant proportion of Chileans can be considered cultural omnivores. Multinomial diagonal reference models suggest that omnivorousness is positively predicted by subjective and objective social status. Moreover, regarding inconsistency, objective social status is prominent in the explanation of omnivorousness for both status-underestimating and status-overestimating actors. These findings provide important insights for discussing the implications of status inconsistency on cultural consumption.
En este artículo buscamos dilucidar las representaciones socio-espaciales del Negro Matapacos y bandera Wenüfoye que estuvieron asociadas a las prácticas de reapropiación política y simbólica de la Plaza Dignidad, y que emergieron con una fuerza particular durante el 18 de octubre de 2019 (18 O). Revisamos el origen de los dos símbolos examinados y sus procesos de resignificación, mediante un análisis de contenido general de los discursos encontrados en fuentes secundarias (prensa digital, blogs y redes sociales). Además de la participación en foros virtuales, conversaciones informales con actores relevantes para el proceso, recorridos realizados en la plaza Dignidad y otras plazas del país.
Nuestra hipótesis es que estos símbolos representan identidades periféricas emergentes que, al hacerse presentes en la ocupación, reapropiación y significación colectiva de la Plaza Dignidad, evidencian la crisis del proyecto político de nación monocultural, y su hegemonía identitaria moderna consecuente. Concluimos que la crisis chilena desde el 18-O ha abierto un espacio para transformaciones estructurales, donde las emergencias simbólicas contienen representaciones socio-espaciales que se producen de múltiples identidades periféricas, rurales, urbanas, indígenas y otras.
