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This book provides an insight into the relationship between 'justiciable' problems and deprivation and demonstrates the role of advice and legal services in the fight against social exclusion.
A number of key findings can be taken from this report. For example, one in five justicible problems result in no action being taken, this can be because peo...
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Key Findings Courts and law are peripheral to everyday justice. • Fewer than one in ten people experiencing legal problems instruct solicitors • Consumer experience does not mirror traditional legal services distinctions including reserved activities • Deficiencies in the civil justice system in meeting consumers’ needs are largely due to difficult...
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... Other scholars have shown, however, that these reasons do not fully explain class-stratified patterns. Factors associated with social status, such as feelings of powerlessness or entitlement, but also differences in previous experiences with legal problems can play a key role in patterns of class differences concerning action and inaction (Gilliom, 2001;Pleasance et al., 2003;Pleasence, 2006;Sandefur, 2008). Thus, legal literacy and (lack of) administrative knowledgeboth potentially related to education and professional activitycan also have important effects on people's behaviour. ...
... Research suggests that the socially disadvantaged are less likely to use legal institutions, including the ombuds (Roosbroek and de Walle, 2008;Michelson, 2007;Sandefur, 2008). Among the factors related to social class that might affect people's behaviour are differences in previous experiences with legal problems, feelings of powerlessness or lacking a sense of entitlement as well as a lack of legal literacy and administrative knowledge (Gilliom, 2001;Pleasence, 2006;Sandefur, 2008). ...
While access to civil-law institutions has been a traditional area of socio-legal research, access to administrative justice still constitutes an underresearched field. In the field of administrative law, public ombuds institutions represent an important pathway to resolve disputes without invoking a court. To date, we have little knowledge about who uses these ombuds institutions and which factors facilitate access to the ombuds. In this paper, on the basis of our survey among users of the Austrian Ombudsman Board (n = 8,274), we explore the effects of institutional design on the user population. The findings suggest that the two outreach measures – regular consultation days and a weekly TV broadcast – contribute to reducing existing inequalities with regard to users’ sociodemographic characteristics.
... The purpose of the final section is to introduce papers in this volume and to identify cross-cutting themes between the papers. Any attempt to classify the papers together thematically, however, runs into problems, since areas of welfare concernincluding indebtedness, housing, employment, social security, and immigration and asylumhave been noted as converging to form 'problem clusters' (Genn 1999;Moorhead & Robinson 2006;Pleasence et al. 2004). Debt problems, intersecting with issues of immigration and housing, demonstrate this well (Gutierrez Garza 2018). ...
Contemporary attempts to govern ‘the state of the welfare state’ are as much about moral endeavours as they are about political and economic imperatives. Such is the argument put forward in this Introduction, which focuses on the work that advisers perform in settings of austerity across Europe. Advisers are often the last call for help for their clients/dependents who find themselves increasingly at the mercy of local authorities, immigration regimes, landlords, banks and debt collection agencies. But competing visions of moral worth and social justice continue to permeate the everyday deliberations of those who administer, support and advocate advice. Struggles and dilemmas over how best to provide assistance and balance individuals’ moral judgments against the collective good frequently occur. We explore both the dovetailing of and divergence between domains and roles, in disrupting as well as reproducing dominant logics of extraction and accumulation.
... Una amplia gama de encuestas de necesidades jurídicas ha arrojado evidencia de los importantes costos sanitarios, económicos y sociales de los problemas justiciables, estimando en cientos de millones de dólares estadounidenses por año para los servicios públicos (Pleasence, 2006;Farrow et al., 2016). ...
... The survey was a substantial development of the English and Welsh Civil and Social Justice Survey (CSJS), which was first conducted in 2001 (Pleasence et al., 2004), then again in 2004 (Pleasence, 2006) and on a continuous basis between 2006 and 2009 (Pleasence et al., 2010). The CSJS was itself a substantial development of the Paths to Justice survey (Genn, 1999). ...
In England and Wales less than half of the adult population report that they have a will, with similarly low numbers found in other jurisdictions. Dying intestate can have profound implications on the family relationships, housing security, finances, employment, health and welfare of those who are left behind. Social policy initiatives designed to educate the public on the implications of intestacy offer a potential solution but remain difficult to evaluate. This article explores the results of a public legal education experiment embedded in a longitudinal panel survey. The experiment was designed to explore: (1) the impact of information provision on will creation; and, (2) how ‘opportunistic experiments’ embedded in longitudinal surveys might support public legal education (PLE) evaluation. Whilst the impact of the information intervention in this study was not found to be statistically significant, the methodology points to the possibility of testing more bespoke and substantial initiatives in the future.
... The dark figure of non-registered justiciable problems is also known as the 'tip-of-the-iceberg' (Best and Andreasen 1977, p. 701) and '[the] "iceberg problem" in the administration of justice' (Barton and Mendlovitz 1960, p. 30; see also Miller and Sarat 1980/81;Coates and Penrod 1980/81). The infrastructure of legal aid support, therefore, plays an important role in efforts to fight social exclusion, and to ensure access to justice Genn 1999;Pleasence et al. 2006). Juss-Buss' outreach legal aid prison programme could be seen as enhancing the infrastructure of legal aid support by contacting a disadvantaged group of prisoners, listening to their stories and trying to make them identify and act upon their justiciable problems. ...
Since its establishment, the legal clinic Juss-Buss has played an important role in providing outreach legal aid to disadvantaged groups that would otherwise struggle to name their legal problems, and claim their rights in core welfare areas where the welfare state has abdicated its social responsibility. An important aspect of Juss-Buss’ work is outreach legal aid to prisoners. In outreach work the staff aims to build trust in order to be able to start ‘troubles-talks’, and thus help transform prisoners’ problems into legal terms. However, prisoners are hard to reach, so Juss-Buss also tries to establish grievance structures that inform, educate and empower prisoners to voice their problems. Another important task that Juss-Buss undertakes is legal policy work to clarify the legal needs of different disadvantaged groups in society and to improve their living situations. Juss-Buss’ legal policy work is based on and strengthen by their tradition-bound and strong brand; supported by their collaboration with the Faculty of Law of University of Oslo; their network of former Juss-Buss students occupying important positions in the legal field; and their exceptional data covering.
... Intertwined laws can, in fact, sometimes set off a sort of 'domino effect' in which a legal issue builds momentum for other issues (see also Pleasence et al. 2004). Such 'trigger' problems can put individuals at risk of social exclusion (Pleasence et al. 2006). Tailoring legal aid services and legal assistance to vulnerable clients by comparing the client's case with a contextually close-knit patchwork of cross-disciplinary intertwined laws, financial issues, social relations, and mental issues would contribute to a more holistic legal approach that would make the clients' difficulties less likely to resurface and produce similar recurring difficulties in the future (see also Olesen 2016b). ...
This chapter examines ex-prisoners’ need for legal aid and how legal aid could be organised, to fit in with their living conditions and the many hardships they face post-release in Denmark. Based on a larger qualitative study of prison release in Denmark, the chapter discusses the ex-prisoners’ complex legal and non-legal problems. This is followed by an examination of the ex-prisoners’ struggle to name their interrelated problems as legal issues and difficulties in approaching legal services for assistance. In relation to the ex-prisoners’ struggle to name their legal needs, as well as blame and claim their legal rights, the chapter draws on observations and evaluations from various projects aiming to meet vulnerable citizens’ need for legal support and discusses the challenges and opportunities involved in providing legal aid to ex-prisoners in Denmark.
... 1 Reese and Eldred (1994), Genn (1999), Maxwell et al. (1999), Genn and Paterson (2001), Pleasence et al. (2004cPleasence et al. ( , 2010Pleasence et al. ( , 2011, Currie (2005, 2007a), GfK Slovakia (2004, Van Velthoven and ter Voert (2004), Dignan (2006), Ignite Research (2006, Pleasence (2006), Murayama (2007), Sato et al (2007), Asia Consulting Group and Policy 21 (2008), Tamaki (2009), Van Velthoven and Haarhuis (2010), Chen et al. (2012a), Coumeralos et al (2012). Details of the Bulgarian and Moldovan surveys kindly provided by Martin Gramatikov. 2 Details of the Russian survey kindly provided by Martin Gramatikov. 3 For example, over the past two decades, surveys have been conducted in at least 16 of the 50 U.S. states, as well as in other jurisdictions such as Australia (Coumarelos et al. 2006) and Canada (Baxter et al. 2012 The experience of civil legal problems has also been asked about through the 2008/2009, 2009/2010, 2010/ 2011, 2012-2013, and 2014-2015 Scottish Crime and Justice Surveys. ...
... Any change in the nature of problems reported, following on from a change in survey reference period, can also be expected to impact on reported problem resolution behavior. Problem resolution behavior has been repeatedly shown to link to both problem seriousness (e.g., Pleasence et al. 2004cPleasence et al. , 2011Dignan 2006;Kritzer 2008;Chen et al. 2012a;Pleasence & Balmer 2012) and problem type (e.g., Reese & Eldred 1994;Genn 1999;Maxwell et al. 1999;Genn & Paterson 2001;GfK Slovakia 2004;Van Velthoven & ter Voert 2004;Currie 2007a;Dignan 2006;Pleasence 2006;Murayama 2007;Sato et al. 2007;Asia Consulting Group and Policy 21 2008;Kritzer 2008;Pleasence & Balmer 2008;Van Velthoven & Haarhuis 2010;Pleasence et al. 2011;Chen et al. 2012a;Coumeralos et al. 2012). ...
Since the mid-1990s, at least 28 large-scale national surveys of the public's experience of justiciable problems have been conducted in at least 15 separate jurisdictions, reflecting widespread legal aid reform activity. While the majority of these surveys take their structure from Genn's Paths to Justice survey (1999), they vary significantly in length, scope, mode of administration, types of problems included, survey reference period, data structure, data analysis, and question formulation. This article draws on surveys from across the world, contrasting their methodologies, comparing their headline findings, and setting out the potential for bias as a consequence of methodological variation. The article also presents findings from five online experiments testing the impact of various question formulations on problem prevalence, use of advice, and formal processes. Specifically, the experiments test whether varying the reference period, describing problems as “legal,” offering detailed as opposed to simple problem descriptions, and describing problems as “difficult to solve” had an impact on reported prevalence of justiciable problems, and whether presenting lists as opposed to a series of individual questions had an impact on reported use of advice and processes. The experiments demonstrated that modest differences in question formulation yield significantly different results. Specifically, alteration of survey reference period did not result in a proportional change in reported problem prevalence, introducing problems as either “legal” or “difficult to solve” significantly reduced reported prevalence, and introducing use of advice/processes as multiple questions rather than as lists significantly increased reported use. The risks involved in comparative analysis (and particularly in looking beyond methodology when attempting to explain jurisdictional variation) are discussed. In relation to future studies, the importance of understanding the impact of methodological change, learning the lessons of the past, making technical details transparent, and making data available are highlighted.
... In ver- schillende opzichten lijkt de verwachte positieve relatie tussen de kans op een probleem en de intensiteit van sociale/economische activiteiten zich voor te doen. Mensen met betaald werk, mensen met een hogere opleiding en mensen in de leeftijdscategorie van 25 tot 44 jaar hebben respectievelijk vaker en meer problemen dan gepensioneerden, lageropgeleiden en andere leeftijdscategorieën. Tevens wordt in verschillende studies gevonden dat juist kwetsbare groepen een hoge probleemkans hebben: namelijk mensen die zijn gescheiden, gehandicapt zijn of van een uitkering leven (Currie, 2005;Mulherin & Coumarelos, 2007;Pleasence et al., 2004). Wat betreft de aanpak van problemen blijkt in alle landen dat het type pro- bleem voor een deel bepaalt hoe het wordt aangepakt. ...
Paths to Justice in the Netherlands 2014
The 2003 and 2009 Paths to Justice studies provided a quantitative overview of the so-called landscape of disputes as seen from the perspective of Dutch citizens. This provided insight into the extent to which citizens are confronted with justiciable problems and the courses they follow to resolve those problems. Five years have passed since then, with social and online developments and changes to the legal system. These might have lead to changes in the pattern of occurrence and settlement of justiciable problems. Obtaining insight into citizens’ justiciable problems and the way they are resolved has a direct relevance for policy making: the Minister of Security and Justice is responsible for maintaining an adequately functioning and accessible legal (aid) system, by creating optimum conditions. Since this study has been conducted for the third time now, it is becoming possible to observe preliminary trends.
The research questions are:
1. To what extent are (potentially) civil-law and administrative-law problems prevalent among the population?
2. What courses do citizens follow to resolve these problems? To what extent do citizens use legal services, extrajudicial and judicial dispute resolution, and which circumstances influence their choices?
3. How were the problems concluded? What are the results of the choices made in achieving a solution?
4. How do citizens evaluate legal advisors, mediation and procedures? To what extent do citizens have confidence in the operation of lawyers and the courts?
5. With respect to the above questions, to what extent have changes occurred in comparison with the measurements of 2003 and 2009?
Theoretical background
This research departs from the following theoretical background. The chance of encountering justiciable problems is considered to depend on: (a) the extent to which citizens experience situations or relationships in which problems can occur (participation theory and baseline conditions); (b) whether the involved parties have sufficient economic and social resources to resolve difficult situations. Serious lack of these resources can make people vulnerable to experiencing problems. Various explanations are possible concerning the choices citizens make in tackling problems: to take action or not, ‘DIY’ or seek help, to start a procedure or to do something else. This study departs from the basic assumption that persons confronted with a justiciable problem make a conscious choice between the available options. Within boundaries set by the problem at hand, the pros and cons of these options are weighed. The previous two studies showed that, to some extent, citizens make a cost-benefit assessment: the more serious a problem or the higher the stakes and the expected benefits, the more people will invest in resolving the problem. Next to these factors, economic and social resources are deemed relevant for actions taken to resolve problems - in line with insights from socio-legal research. Relevant economic resources are, for example, income level and having a legal expenses insurance or an entitlement to legal aid. Socio-psychological resources, associated with (e.g.) education level, are also relevant: those with many of these resources are more independent in resolving their problem – or in finding the right type of help – than those having little resources. Citizens lacking the socio-psychological resources might be in need of legal services, but at the same time could experience a barrier to use it.
Research method
Data were gathered using an Internet survey among a representative group of Dutch citizens (in terms of sex, income, educational level, degree of urbanisation and internet use), based on a stratified sample drawn by bureau GfK, which conducted the survey. The survey consisted of two parts: a screening survey and a problem-solving survey. In the screening survey (N=5.424), Dutch citizens (aged 18 and older) were presented a list of 67 ‘serious problems’. They were asked whether they experienced such problems in the five-year period between May 2009 and May 2014 and if so, how many. Those who reported one or more problems were asked to complete the problem-solving survey (N=1.928) about how the problem was tackled. If more than one problem was reported in the screening survey, the problem-solving survey applied only to the oldest one.
Number and types of problems
Over the five-year period, 57% of the citizens were faced with one or more justiciable problems. Within this group, citizens experienced 2.9 problems per person on average.
Twenty-five per cent of respondents were faced with employment problems. Another quarter ran into problems in connection to the purchase of products and services. These problem types are followed at some distance by problems related to money (15%), ownership of immovable property (11%) and problems regarding family and relationships (faced by 8% of citizens).
In line with theoretical expectations, the probability of encountering problems depends mostly on background characteristics associated with one’s social and economic participation as well as ‘baseline’ conditions: being in the situation in which certain problems can occur. The risk of facing a problem increased slightly with a higher educational level, being between 24 and 45 years of age, being self-employed or among those who – were employed, were a property owner or were a tenant during the research period. What is more, online buying or selling enlarges the chance of encountering a problem. Greater exposure thus results in a larger chance of encountering problems. What is more, the vulnerable group of social welfare recipients encountered more problems. In a multivariate analysis these factors accounted for 15% of the variance in problem probability. Hence other characteristics, beyond the scope of our survey, play an important part.
Actions taken
By the time of study, almost 8% had not yet taken action in response to their problem, 46% sought help from one or more (legal) advisors and the remaining 47% did not seek help and handled the problem on their own. Within the group of aid-seekers, a distinction was made between users of legal advisers (37%) such as lawyers, legal expenses insurers and Legal Desk, and users of non-legal advisers (9%) such as health care providers and trade/professional associations.
Lawyers are the most consulted legal advisers (in 12% of problems) as well as the LEI (11%). The Legal Services Counter and trade union both have a share of 5%. Like the previous two studies have shown, a wide variety of institutions and agencies were used.
Mediation took place in 5% of the problems. A judicial procedure was started in 4% of the problems, an extrajudicial procedure in 11% (for example, by a complaints committee, rent tribunal, or conciliation/arbitration committee).
The choices made by citizens in handling problems turn out to be much more closely related to the characteristics of the problem than to background characteristics of respondents, like education or income. The more serious and the higher the complexity of the problem and the expected benefits, the more often people took action, used legal services (particularly, an advocate) or started a judicial procedure. The type of problem also matters: those with family or relational problems relatively often consulted a lawyer and started a judicial procedure – in contrast with those faced with problems regarding the purchase of goods and services. Extrajudicial procedures often regarded objections to administrative decisions, as well as problems related to money and immovable property ownership. In contrast with judicial procedures, the expected financial benefits did not affect the probability that an extrajudicial procedure was started. Apparently, citizens made cost-benefit assessments; the costs of extrajudicial procedures are generally small or non-existent and no advocate is required. Hence, extrajudicial procedures were used even if less was at stake in financial terms. The use of legal expenses insurances is determined in particular by having this insurance policy: since the insurer is taking care of (most of) the costs, other factors like financial stakes or problem type become less relevant.
Only a small part of respondents mentioned the costs as a reason to refrain from action or from starting a procedure. In relation to abandoning the use of legal services, costs were mentioned more often, particularly when advocates were considered. Only a small part of citizens actually reported legal costs (15%). About half of this group bore these expenses themselves whereas the others obtained a partial or full refund from, among others, legal expenses insurance, Legal Aid Board, employer or the other party. Respondents who made use of an advocate or judicial procedure reported costs more frequently, as well as higher expenses.
Results of actions
Thirty-seven per cent of all problems resulted in an agreement and 8% in a decision by an extrajudicial or judicial body. In another 37% of the problems, citizens cancelled their action without achieving an agreement or a decision, in 6% no action was undertaken and 13% of the problems were still ongoing when our Internet survey was held. In the end, the following results were reported by respondents:
- Of all who took action, 68% achieved his or her main goal (75% if we exclude the problems that are still ongoing).
- For 79% of active respondents the problem was resolved or ended (88% if we exclude the problems that are still ongoing).
- In case of an agreement, 77% found the result just, as opposed to 72% in case a decision was made by a court or an extrajudicial body.
- 88% of agreements or obligations were (partially) fulfilled.
In line with previous editions of this study, we found that those who reached an agreement get the most out of their actions in terms of goal attainment, problem solving and compliance. What is more, those who cancelled their action without an agreement or decision also turn out to achieve quite some results: goal attainment in 63% and problem solving in 88% of the cases. An explanation for this is that, as respondents stated it, the problem was solved in some way. Furthermore, it was reported that the other party to some level had met one’s objections or gave up – without this being typified as an agreement.
Evaluations of legal services and general confidence in lawyers and courts
Citizens evaluated the legal services quite positive. On average, the advice and aid from legal advisers were deemed practicable and procedures (extrajudicial and judicial) were found satisfactory. All respondents, regardless of whether they encountered one or more problems, were asked to react to a number of propositions regarding advocates and the courts. On average, Dutch citizens: confide in a fair treatment in a judicial procedure, think the courts are an important means to effectuate one’s rights, and think judges are trustful and honest. However, quite a share of citizens do not think that the legal system operates equally for everyone. When it comes to advocates, citizens are less positive: advocates are deemed too expensive and less reliable than judges. Vulnerable groups in socio-economic terms are somewhat less positive than average regarding both advocates and the courts. Having experienced more problems also negatively affects citizens’ judgements, as well as having used an advocate or judicial procedure during the research period.
Comparison across time
A decreasing trend is observed in the share of respondents who experienced one or more problems during a five-year period: from 67% in 2003, to 61% in 2009, to 57% in 2014. Also, the average number of problems per person decreased over time, for the group experiencing problems. Between 2009 and 2014, particularly the number of problems relating to the purchase of goods and services went down. What is more, judicial procedures as a percentage of all problems show a decreasing trend from 6% in the first to 4% in the current study. These developments are in line with trends in judicial and Legal Aid Board statistics. The share of extrajudicial procedures, including objectives against administrative decisions, increased over time, from 6% in 2003 to 11% in 2014. This could be due to an increase in the number of complaints and dispute resolution committees and an extension of response categories in the questionnaire.
In comparison with previous editions of this study, problems less often resulted in agreements and respondents more frequently cancelled their actions. However, findings are stable over time as regards to goal attainment and problem solving, implying that those who stopped more often achieved their aims or resolved their problem.
Satisfaction scores on the obtained advice or help are generally stable across time. The same holds for public confidence in advocates and the court system.
Concluding remarks
In the Netherlands, about 95% of the households has access to the Internet and the online economy is steadily growing. Citizens are purchasing more and more online and there is a growing online information available that allow citizens to solve problems on their own. This study included the description of a range of online provisions to assist citizens in this regard. As of yet, no empirical (large scale) research has been found on how online developments affect citizens’ sensitivity to justiciable problems and the actions they take to resolve these. In the current study, however, a small positive effect was found of online buying on problem incidence. In addition, more often than before, the Internet is mentioned as a guidance in handling problems. The use of online procedures like E-court, Paypal and on eBay is still rarely reported. Nevertheless, the digitalisation of the legal system is moving forward. Repeating this study will help unravel whether existing legal provisions still warrant access to justice in the digital era.
... The survey had been conducted in some form since 2001, primarily as the cross-sectional Civil and Social Justice Survey (CSJS) (e.g. Pleasence 2006) and from 2010 as the CSJPS, when the study became longitudinal for the first time. ...
Maintaining participant engagement in longitudinal surveys has been a key focus of survey research, and has implications for the quality of response and cost of administration. This paper presents new research measuring the impact of the design of between-wave keeping-in-touch mailings on response to the mailing and subsequent wave of a longitudinal survey. Three design attributes of the mailings were randomly implemented: the form of response request (whether respondents were asked to respond only if their address had changed, or in all cases to confirm or update their address); the newsletter included with the mailing (contrasting a newsletter with content tailored to respondent characteristics with a general newsletter and no newsletter); and the outgoing postage used (stamped or franked). The experiments were fielded on a new longitudinal study, the English and Welsh Civil and Social Justice Panel Survey (CSJPS), and took place between waves one and two. Fieldwork for both waves was conducted by Ipsos MORI face-to-face interviewers. Our main finding was that the tailored newsletter was associated with a significant increase in the wave-two response rate. However, in relation to response to the request, the tailored newsletter, or sending no newsletter at all, were equally effective at inducing response, and significantly better than the general newsletter. We also found that, in relation to the form of request, the 'change of address' request was as effective as the more costly 'confirmation' request. Findings are discussed with reference to the design of keeping-in-touch mailings for longitudinal surveys.
... Important also, among disadvantaged people legal problems do not exist in isolation, but are often closely interwoven with other legal (Pleasence 2006;Currie 2007;Coumarelos et al. 2012) and non-legal issues (Forell et al. 2005;Karras et al. 2006). In this context, 'early' cannot necessarily be understood in terms of a single presenting legal issue. ...
... Second, it reflects findings that legal problems commonly co-occur or 'cluster' (Coumarelos, 2006;Currie, 2007;Pleasence, Balmer, Buck, O'Grady & Genn 2004, Pleasence 2006) and how some problems may 'trigger' others (Currie 2007;Genn 1999;Pleasence 2006 The idea of 'transition' points during a person's life, or even in the life of a problem, adds another dimension to the discussion on 'timeliness' of legal assistance. Such approaches allow for: ...
... Second, it reflects findings that legal problems commonly co-occur or 'cluster' (Coumarelos, 2006;Currie, 2007;Pleasence, Balmer, Buck, O'Grady & Genn 2004, Pleasence 2006) and how some problems may 'trigger' others (Currie 2007;Genn 1999;Pleasence 2006 The idea of 'transition' points during a person's life, or even in the life of a problem, adds another dimension to the discussion on 'timeliness' of legal assistance. Such approaches allow for: ...
Better to have a fence at the top of the cliff than a fleet of ambulances at the bottom'. Such is the call to early intervention: preventing legal problems from forming and escalating, rather than mopping up once the crisis has struck. The idea of early intervention has strong appeal: providing less intensive assistance early, before problems become more difficult and costly to resolve. But in the legal assistance sector, what and to whom does 'early intervention' deliver? The impact of 'early intervention' is based on two assumptions: (1) that priority clients groups are reached and assisted 'early'; and (2) that the assistance provided will make a beneficial difference. This paper explores these assumptions in the context of the evidence-based priority given to assisting the most disadvantaged, and the need to do so within the scope and limited resources of the legal assistance sector. The Reshaping legal assistance services discussion paper draws on a substantial base of empirical research – together with current experience of service providers – to inform the design and delivery of efficient and effective legal assistance services (e.g. legal aid, Aboriginal legal services, family violence prevention legal services, community legal centres and pro bono services). It provides a framework for discussion around how Australian access to justice research, policy and legal assistance services can best build upon this substantial evidence base. Reshaping legal assistance services explores the notions of targeted, joined-up, timely and appropriate service delivery. It exposes the conceptual and operational tensions in delivering such services, while providing guidance to and illustrations of practice, detailing facilitators and obstacles to change and presenting a range of approaches to evaluation. Acknowledging current arrangements and resources, it provides a basis for considering how to move from the theory to the practice of client-centred service delivery. 2
