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Model of information laundering.

Model of information laundering.

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Many studies in recent years have addressed the notable ways that Internet features such as blogs and search engines have democratized the community of information seekers and providers, however, fewer investigations have addressed the darker element that has emerged from that same democratic sphere. That is, the huge resurgence and transformation...

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... is as if beneficiaries like the White Power movement have slid into a new Dewey Decimal System and contaminated it, but few have noticed their presence there. Today, racist websites have become conveniently integrated and interconnected into the central currencies of information, politics, and popular culture (see Figure 1). This research divides these currencies into four major categories: search engines (discovery), research and news (information), political blogs (opinion), and social networks (expression). ...

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... Those network bridges became source-laundering mechanisms that obscured demonstrable collaboration or formal cooperation between different actor networks. Similar to Klein's (2012) definition of information laundering that illustrated 'how the Internet's unique properties allow subversive social movements to (…) quietly legitimize their causes through a borrowed network of associations' (p. 419), it was far-right news sites and the resources of a radical right party that concealed and disguised the extremist origins of the campaign and charged it with political legitimacy. ...
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THE ARTICLE IS AVAILABLE OPEN ACCESS VIA A THE JOURNAL PAGE: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2022.2050415 ABSTRACT Many liberal democracies have witnessed the rise of radical right parties and movements that threaten liberal values of tolerance and inclusion. Extremist movement factions may promote inflammatory ideas that engage broader publics, but party leaders face dilemmas of endorsing content from extremist origins. However, when that content is shared over larger intermediary networks of aligned supporters and media sites, it may become laundered or disconnected from its original sources so that parties can play it back as official communication. With a dynamic network analysis and various-time series analysis we tracked content flows from the German version of a global far-right anti-immigration campaign across different media platforms, including YouTube, Twitter, and collections of far-right and mainstream media sites. The analysis shows how content from the small extremist Identitarian Movement spread over expanding networks of low-level activists of the Alternative for Germany party and far-right alternative media sites. That network bridging enabled party leadership to launder the source of the content and roll out its own version of the campaign. As a result, national attention became directed to extremist ideas.
... As with the mainstreaming of alternative far-right beliefs and ideologies more broadly, WN perspectives also find their way into the mainstream because the Stormfront community strategically appeals to mainstream whites by reformulating racist propaganda into more palatable rhetoric (Hartzell, 2020;Meddaugh and Kay, 2009) and engages with oppositional views (e.g., anti-racist) on the site, in part, to accomplish this goal but also to encourage active participation amongst community members (Bright et al., 2022). The WN ideologies of Stormfront users are then inadvertently disseminated into more mainstream online spaces by the baked in mechanisms of the Internet (Graham, 2016;Klein, 2012;Winter, 2019), as well as more mainstream right media outlets, such as the Ben Shapiro Show or The Daily Standard (Speakman and Funk, 2020). ...
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Introduction Research has indicated a growing resistance to vaccines among U.S. conservatives and Republicans. Following past successes of the far-right in mainstreaming health misinformation, this study tracks almost two decades of vaccine discourse on the extremist, white nationalist (WN) online message-board Stormfront. We examine the argumentative repertoire around vaccines on the forum, and whether it assimilated to or challenged common arguments for and against vaccines, or extended it in ways unique to the racist WN agenda. Methods We use a mixed-methods approach, combining unsupervised machine learning of 8892 posts including the term “vaccin*“, published on Stormfront between 2001 and 2017. We supplemented the computational analysis with a manual coding of randomly sampled 500 posts, evaluating the prevalence of pro- and anti-vaccine sentiment, previously identified pro- and anti-vaccine arguments, and WN-specific arguments. Results Discourse was dynamic, increasing around specific events, such as outbreaks and following legal debates about vaccine mandates. We identified four themes: conspiracies, science, race and white innovation. The prominence of themes over time was relatively stable. Our manual coding identified levels of anti-vaccine sentiment that were much higher than found in the past on mainstream social media. Most anti-vaccine posts relied on common anti-vaccine tropes and not on WN conspiracy theories. Pro-vaccination posts, however, were supported by unique race-based arguments. Conclusion We find a high volume of anti-vaccine sentiment among WN on Stormfront, but also identify unique pro-vaccine arguments that echo the group's racist ideology. Public health implication As with past health-related conspiracy theories, high levels of anti-vaccine sentiment in online far-right sociotechnical information systems could threaten public health, especially if it ‘spills-over’ to mainstream media. Many pro-vaccine arguments on the forum relied on racist, WN reasoning, thus preventing the authors from recommending the use of these unethical arguments in future public health communications.
... ortant for the dissemination of farright discourse into mainstream public debate (Ekman, 2015;Karl, 2019;Schwarzenegger & Wagner, 2018;A. Winter, 2019) but more than that, the internet is often used actively and skilfully by the far right to help increase their legitimacy and appeal to less radical audiences (Daniels, 2009;Gerstenfeld et al., 2003;A. Klein, 2012). It might be tempting to dismiss the relevance of digital far-right settings, networks, discourses, and users as marginal and merely virtual phenomena separate from anything in the tangible 'real world'. However, with contemporary society, politics, and not to mention everyday life, characterised by an increasingly complex media environ ...
... Relatedly, others have shown how farright sites borrow aesthetics and content from credible sources, like legacy news media, to appear more trustworthy (A. Klein, 2012; see also Gerstenfeld et al., 2003). This can make far-right content appear palatable and therein might enable far-right sites to attract (unsuspecting) visitors. ...
... ays the most 'important' content first, users can sometimes perceive it as though it is. Therein, search engines can provide credibility to far-right content, allowing users to search for and find far-right sites, like-minded others and organisations, and access skewed information that confirms their far-right beliefs (Daniels, 2009(Daniels, , 2018A. Klein, 2012). On social media sites like YouTube, Facebook, and Reddit, recommendation systems and content feeds have been found to support and emphasise incendiary content (Gaudette et al., 2020;Massanari, 2017;Munn, 2020), and on YouTube especially, recommendations have been found to steer users towards increasingly radical far-right content (Munn ...
Thesis
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Background: This thesis explores the far right online beyond the study of political parties and extremist far-right sites and content. Specifically, it focuses on the proliferation of far-right discourse among ‘ordinary’ internet users in mainstream digital settings. In doing so, it aims to bring the study of far-right discourse and the enabling roles of digital platforms and influential users into dialogue. It does so by analysing what is communicated and how; where it is communicated and therein the roles of different socio-technical features associated with various online settings; and finally, by whom, focusing on particularly influential users. Methods: The thesis uses material from four different datasets of digital, user-generated content, collected at different times through different methods. These datasets have been analysed using mixed methods approaches wherein interpretative methods, primarily in the form of critical discourse analysis (CDA), have been combined with various data processing techniques, descriptive statistics, visualisations, and computational data analysis methods. Results: The thesis provides a number of findings in relation to far-right discourse, digital platforms, and online influence, respectively. In doing so it builds on the findings of previous research, illustrates unexpected and contradictory results in relation to what was previously known, and makes a number of interesting new discoveries. Overall, it begins to unravel the complex interconnectedness of far-right discourse, platforms, and influential users, and illustrates that to understand the far-right’s efforts online it is imperative to take several dimensions into account simultaneously. Conclusion: The thesis makes several contributions. First, the thesis makes a conceptual contribution by focusing on the interconnectedness of far-right efforts online. Second, it makes an empirical contribution by exploring the multifaceted grassroots or ‘non-party’ dimensions of far-right mobilisation, Finally, the thesis makes a methodological contribution through its mix of methods which illustrates how different aspects of the far right, over varying time periods, diversely sized and shaped datasets, and user constellations, can be approached to reveal broader overarching patterns as well as intricate details.
... The outstanding category in each is satire and parody. While distinct from other types of disinformation, sarcasm traditionally accompanies conspiracy theories and hate speech (Klein, 2012;Woods & Hahner, 2019). Historically, satire and parody have been weaponized by the far right to get most of the public to not take them seriously, at least in early stages (Woods & Hahner, 2019). ...
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The QAnon conspiracy blends ancient and malleable anti-Semitic bigotry with modern social media. Attribute intermedia agenda setting has rarely considered conspiracy theories. Conspiracies like QAnon are not fact-based and challenge conventional agenda setting methodologies. This study explores attribute IAS among national, regional, and local media coverage of QAnon-supporting congressional candidates in Georgia and Colorado in 2020. It introduces notions of rational and irrational agenda setting domains to fully analyze the transfer of irrational attributes across diverse media agendas.
... Es cierto que, por un lado, permiten abrir ventanas a representaciones alternativas además de cuestionar prejuicios y estereotipos. Por otro lado, sin embargo, facilitan la expansión y la normalización de los discursos de odio y la aparición de nuevos fenómenos como el ciber-acoso y las ciberagresiones (Klein 2012). Es aquí donde bromas en apariencia inofensivas, producto de los estereotipos raciales y su naturalización, pueden convertirse en una auténtica pesadilla viral. ...
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Este artículo analiza la difusión mediática de imágenes estereotipadas referidas a poblaciones indígenas, y a las mujeres indígenas en particular, a partir de dos casos polémicos: el programa televisivo de humor La Paisana Jacinta en Perú, y el uso de la imagen de la mujer y la indumentaria Maya en una revista de moda guatemalteca. Esta investigación sugiere que el uso mediático de dichos estereotipos ejerce un efecto amplificador, especialmente a través de las redes sociales, sobre los prejuicios contra la población indígena.
... The absence of journalistic protocols and conventions for sourcing and factchecking has made social media, across platforms, a hotbed of misinformation and hate speech (Andrews, 2021). For the same reason, platforms of social media are an "information laundering" system in which hate communication gains legitimacy and enters mainstream discourse via search engines and social networks (Klein, 2012). In July 2021, the US Surgeon General declared that confronting health misinformation, including that on social media, is a public health priority (Office of the Surgeon General, 2021). ...
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Concerns over the harmful effects of social media have directed public attention to media literacy as a potential remedy. Current conceptions of media literacy are frequently based on mass media, focusing on the analysis of common content and evaluation of the content using common values. This article initiates a new conceptual framework of social media literacy (SoMeLit). Moving away from the mass media-based assumptions of extant approaches, SoMeLit centers on the user’s self in social media that is in dynamic causation with their choices of messages and networks. The foci of analysis in SoMeLit, therefore, are one’s selections and values that influence and are influenced by the construction of one’s reality on social media; and the evolving characteristics of social media platforms that set the boundaries of one’s social media reality construction. Implications of the new components and dimensions of SoMeLit for future research, education, and action are discussed.
... Impersonal, sometimes anonymous environments reinforce in-group/out-group identities, encouraging prejudice (Keum and Miller, 2018;Stark and Stegmann, 2020), and may encourage aggression by reducing inhibitions (Barak, 2005;Keum and Miller, 2018). Social media bypass traditional media gatekeepers, enabling extremists to present themselves on favourable terms (Klein, 2012;Rauchfleisch and Kaiser, 2020). On the 'demand side', without gatekeepers, prejudiced users can easily access hate content (Hosseinmardi et al., 2020); this demand creates and financially supports a supply (Munger and Phillips, 2020). ...
... Empirical literature indicates that moderation helps reduce hate speech -up to a point. Hate speech is facilitated by bypassing traditional media gatekeepers (Klein, 2012;Hosseinmardi et al., 2020); deleting hate content essentially reintroduces gatekeeping. Affected users can switch accounts or platforms, but not all do so, and those who do lose followers and visibility (Berger and Perez, 2016;7 Fielitz et al., 2020). ...
... Estas expresiones de odio se han analizado temáticamente: desde el racismo, la islamofobia, la xenofobia o la homofobia (Klein, 2012;Yamaguchi, 2013;Mrševicì, 2013;Awan, 2016). También en la comprensión de los motivos y establecimiento de los perfiles psicológicos de quienes promueven este tipo de mensajes (Imran & Charlotee, 2016); desde áreas de conocimiento específicas (como sucede en España), donde predominan las del ámbito jurídico (Alfonso & Cortina, 2017;Valero, 2017;Paz, Montero-Díaz & Moreno-Delgado, 2020); o atendiendo a redes sociales concretas, con Twitter y Facebook como más estudiadas (Ott, 2017;Burnap y Williams, 2015;Farkas, Schou & Neumayer, 2018). ...
... OG1 -> H1: La difusión los discursos de odio en los entornos digitales asociados a los medios profesionales en España se caracteriza por un alto porcentaje de expresiones racistas e islamófobas (Klein, 2012;Yamaguchi, 2013;Farkas, Schou & Neumayer, 2017;Chetty & Alathur, 2018), promovidas por usuarios con un perfil ideológico claramente definido (Kreis, 2017), que interactúan en las cuentas sociales en Twitter y Facebook y en portales institucionales asociadas a los medios analizados. Son menos los que atacan a las mujeres por esta sola condición (Waseem & Hovy, 2016;Chetty & Alathur, 2018;Nurik, 2019).Unas expresiones que suelen estar dirigidas a población inmigrante y de religión musulmana, diseminadas bajo una estrategia claramente definida, dirigida a influir en la opinión pública desde los temas abordados por los medios informativos profesionales, a través de sus entornos digitales (Klein, 2017;Howard et al., 2017). ...
Research Proposal
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El proyecto centrará el estudio en los principales medios informativos profesionales de España (La Vanguardia, ABC, El País, El Mundo y 20Minutos), para analizar cómo se difunden las expresiones de odio en los entornos digitales asociados a este tipo de medios, y favorecer la detección y monitorización de este tipo de expresiones en estos contextos de comunicación digital. Con este propósito: 1) se analizarán los mensajes publicados tanto por los medios informativos como por los usuarios que interactúan con estos, desde sus cuentas sociales en Twitter y Facebook, y en sus portales institucionales; 2) se desarrollará un algoritmo que sirva para la detección de expresiones de odio en entornos digitales asociados a los medios informativos en España; y 3) se analizarán y clasificarán los contenidos con expresiones de odio para determinar sus niveles de intensidad, según la metodología propuesta en este proyecto. Con esta iniciativa se espera: a) elaborar una taxonomía de los mensajes asociados a las expresiones de odio publicados y debatidos en los entornos digitales asociados a los medios informativos profesionales españoles; b) Identificar los grupos e identidades objeto de las expresiones de odio; c) determinar el grado de proliferación e intensidad de las expresiones de odio directa (propio medio) e indirectamente (a través de sus seguidores) desde los entornos digitales estudiados en este trabajo; d) identificar las estrategias de diseminación de las expresiones de odio; e) determinar el rol asumido por los medios informativos profesionales, como detractores o promotores de las expresiones de odio; f) trazar un mapa de las expresiones de odio divulgadas por y desde los entornos digitales de los medios informativos profesionales; y g) desarrollar un algoritmo que sirva a la detección de expresiones de odio, desde los entornos digitales asociados a los medios informativos profesionales en España.
... Interactions on social media can both demonstrate high levels of convergence (Jenkins and Deuz 2006), phatic alignment, and affiliation as well as divisiveness and polarization (Fabr ıcio 2014; Lee 2007). As others have noted (Cisneros and Nakayama 2012;Klein 2012;Lange 2014;Brou-Franch and Blivitch 2014), online stranger sociality may provide fertile terrain for conflict to thrive and escalate in particularly divisive and inflammatory ways. It is also clear that vlogs, especially vlogged rants are one type of communicative genre that depends on heavy use of interlocutor-oriented strategies, such as collective addressivity, to engage viewers. ...
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We use the notion of addressivity to analyze interactions between diasporic Portuguese in France and nonmigrant Portuguese in Portugal, in a vlog by Jonathan Da Silva. Through sets of interlocutor‐oriented strategies, participants address one another not only as specific individuals but also as collective social types, as if addressing all diasporic and nonmigrant Portuguese. We thus consider how participants use collective addressivity to hail one another as essentialized tokens of social types in a fantasy of telecommunication (Nozawa 2016). These materials reveal not only the construction of ethnonationally Portuguese identified “we’s,” but also of the collectivized “you’s” such “we’s” address, in a genre of online interaction.
... 60,61 This research could include the study of formal contracts and policies across institutions, of people who sit on executive boards in multiple institutions, and the exchange of information, money, and other resources across institutions. 62 Some studies have examined interconnections among groups that are promoting hate speech (eg, skinheads and neo-Nazis), but these studies could go further by connecting these groups to more formal institutions that support them indirectly, and ultimately, trace these connections back to health. ...
Article
Why do racial inequalities endure despite numerous attempts to expand civil rights in certain sectors? A major reason for this endurance is due to lack of attention to structural racism. Although structural and institutional racism are often conflated, they are not the same. Herein, we provide an analogy of a “bucky ball” (Buckminster­fullerene) to distinguish the two concepts. Structural racism is a system of intercon­nected institutions that operate with a set of racialized rules that maintain White supremacy. These connections and rules al­low racism to reinvent itself into new forms and persist, despite civil rights interventions directed at specific institutions. To illustrate these ideas, we provide examples from the fields of environmental justice, criminal justice, and medicine. Racial inequities in power and health will persist until we redi­rect our gaze away from specific institutions (and specific individuals), and instead focus on the resilient connections among institu­tions and their racialized rules.Ethn Dis. 2021;31(Suppl 1):293-300; doi:10.18865/ed.31.S1.293