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Diversity comes in many forms from gender, race, religion, and socio-economic background to highlight a few. However, this paper will focus on Cognitive Diversity (CD) developing a clear definition of what CD is, its origins, how to create it and where it creates value for a team to a whole organisation.
Hispanic adults in the United States have experienced lower overall mortality and consequently higher life expectancy than non-Hispanic white and non-Hispanic black adults (1,2). This report presents recent trends in age-adjusted death rates from 2000 through 2017 for adults aged 25 and over for Hispanic, non-Hispanic white, and non-Hispanic black...
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... Finally, the paper contributes to the broad literature on intergenerational mobility in American history (inter alia, Aaronson and Mazumder 2008;Long and Ferrie 2013;Olivetti and Paserman 2015;Bleakley and Ferrie 2016;Ager, Boustan, and Eriksson 2019;Tan 2023), including work that specifically addresses racial differences (Hertz 2005;Mazumder 2014;Collins and Wanamaker 2022;Derenoncourt 2022;Jácome, Kuziemko, and Naidu 2022;Ward 2023). It deepens these literatures by providing new insights into the economic outcomes of formerly enslaved men and women and their children, with unprecedented detail on variation 5 Specifically, we construct a dataset with national coverage for perspective on overall Black-White gaps, we examine a wide range of intergenerational outcomes, we compare sons of farmers of all tenure statuses and sons of men in other occupational categories, and we provide insight on whether status transmission was centered within households as opposed to variation in local characteristics. ...
Large and persistent racial disparities in land-based wealth were an important legacy of the Reconstruction era. To assess how these disparities were transmitted intergenerationally, we build a dataset to observe Black households’ landholdings in 1880 alongside a sample of White households. We then link sons from all households to the 1900 census records to observe their economic and human capital outcomes. We show that Black landowners, relative to laborers, transmitted substantial intergenerational advantages to their sons, particularly in literacy and homeownership. However, such advantages were small relative to the racial gaps in measures of economic status.
... Furthermore, differences between parental SES groups are relative and not absolute. As a result, upward mobility out of the lower parental SES group and downward mobility out of the highest parental SES group may be most likely to occur among adolescents whose parental SES is already closest to the middle parental SES group, whereas social reproduction is generally most rigid in the lowest and highest socioeconomic strata (De Neubourg et al., 2018;Hertz, 2009). While this would potentially result in overestimated or skewed odds for experiencing social mobility, our current extensive group comparisons provide sufficiently nuanced findings. ...
Relatively little is known about which competencies adolescents need to experience intergenerational social mobility. We investigated if intelligence, effortful control, assertiveness, and peer competence at age 11 was associated with upward or downward mobility at age 26, utilizing data from the TRAILS study ( N = 2229; age T1 = 11.1 ( SD = 0.55); 50.8% girls). Results from our multinomial logistic regressions indicate that intelligence and effortful control, but not social competencies, are associated with upward mobility. Only intelligence was associated with downward mobility. Having dissimilar levels of competence than peers with the same parental SES was more important for social mobility than having similar competencies as peers with the same young adulthood SES. Social mobility thus happens primarily based on competence. However, given the importance of genetic predispositions and socioeconomic environment for intelligence and effortful control, and the limited appreciation of alternative competencies, social mobility remains to some extent unmeritocratic.
... It is important to appreciate that a comparison of farming and nonfarming households based solely on the most widely used measure of mobility, i.e., IGRC (ψ f 1 and ψ n 1 ), may be misleading. The caveat that IGRC or other measures of relative mobility such as intergenerational correlation (IGC) may be misleading in comparing mobility across groups has been emphasized by Hertz (2005), Mazumder (2014), and Bhattacharya and Majumder (2011) in their analysis of racial (black-white) differences in intergenerational income mobility in United States of America. But it has not been adequately appreciated in the literature on intergenerational educational mobility, both in economics and sociology. ...
We extend the Becker-Tomes model to a rural economy with farm-nonfarm occupational dualism to study intergenerational educational mobility in rural China and India. Using data free of coresidency bias, we find that fathers’ nonfarm occupation and education were complementary in determining sons schooling in India, but separable in China. Sons faced lower mobility in India irrespective of fathers’ occupation. Sensitivity analysis using the Altonji et al. (J. Polit. Econ. 113(1), 151–84, 2005) approach suggests that genetic correlations alone could explain the intergenerational persistence in China, but not in India. Farm-nonfarm differences in returns to education, and geographic mobility are plausible mechanisms behind the contrasting cross-country evidence.
... Given the differences in the quantity and quality of students' social networks and coping strategies across the college years, 46 we controlled for age and level of study (senior vs. non-seniors). Furthermore, we controlled for family income, given its relationship with racial-ethnic identity 47,48 and first-generation status 49 in the United States. Additionally, based on research that suggests that there are different opportunities for social support based on one's living situation, 50 we controlled for whether students lived alone or with other people. ...
Objective:
This study examined socio-demographic characteristics and COVID-19 experiences as concurrent predictors of perceived familial and friend social support, social media use, and socio-emotional motives for electronic communication during the COVID-19 pandemic among college students.
Participants:
Participants were 619 emerging adults (18-29-year-olds) currently enrolled at, or recently graduated from, a U.S.-based college or university (Mean age = 21.8, SD = 2.2; 64% female; 60% Non-Hispanic White).
Methods:
Online surveys were administered between May and June 2020. A path analysis model was conducted to examine the concurrent associations between socio-demographic factors, COVID-19-related experiences, social media/electronic engagement, and perceived social support.
Results:
Findings indicated significant differences in perceived social support, social media use, and socio-emotional motives for electronic communication as a function of gender, race, sexual orientation, first-generation status, and relationship status.
Conclusions:
Our findings highlight the role of both individual and situational differences in interpersonal functioning and demonstrate how college students differently engaged with social media for socio-emotional purposes during the COVID-19 pandemic.
... It is, however, important to recognize that, to understand heterogeneity across groups, cohorts, or countries, the three measures of relative mobility discussed above are not adequate, we also need to look at the intercept estimates of the intergenerational regression equations (Equations 1, 2, and 4). The fact that the measures of relative mobility can be misleading for inter-group comparison of mobility has been emphasized by Mazumder (2014) and Hertz (2005) in their analysis of black-white differences in intergenerational mobility in the USA. 33 ...
This chapter provides an analytical survey and synthesis of economic literature on intergenerational mobility in developing countries, with a focus on data and methodological challenges. Sample truncation from co-residency and measurement error cause substantial downward bias in intergenerational regression coefficient, whereas intergenerational correlation and intergenerational rank correlation are more robust to such data limitations. To understand heterogeneity, reliable estimates of both the intercept and the slope are necessary. The OLS estimate of the intercept is biased upward, but less so in the rank–rank regression. Sibling correlation is a broader measure of mobility, especially convenient with limited data. Estimating intergenerational causal effects is challenging as it requires long panel data. A promising alternative is to focus on the causal effects of policies on measurement of relative and absolute mobility, without disentangling the role of genetic inheritance.
... Кроме того, в династийной модели трансфер социального капитала осуществляется с меньшими издержками (Constant, Zimmermann, 2003: 299-317;Hertz, 2004;Black et al., 2005: 435-447), что особенно актуально в медицине, где ценятся профессиональные навыки и опыт: «Ну а с отцом мы обсуждаем ситуацию, как бы я сделал в той ли иной ситуации» (муж, 31 год, онколог, собственник медицинской фирмы, Уфа, 3-е поколение); «Да, я звоню своей маме и советуюсь с ней, нередко. Прямо звоню и спрашиваю: как бы вот она поступила в данной ситуации. ...
The number of female health workers is predominant in the current health care system. However, in terms of the distribution of power and authority, career trajectories, and the culture of relationships, medicine still remains gender-related to men. Reproduction processes of the professional structure of medicine, in which professional dynasties occupy a special place, is also marked by gender differences. Thus, the article addresses the gender specificities of the institutional reproduction of medical dynasties in modern Russia. Based on in-depth interviews with twenty representatives of multigenerational families of doctors from ten cities, gender scenarios for the transmission of professional positions and the gender specificity of using the social and symbolic capital of the dynasty in the context of their reproduction are analyzed. According to the empirical research findings, the dynastic model of marital status transfer maintains and reproduces gender inequality in the medical profession. There is low gender sensitivity in doctors’ dynasties, where women are more likely to be passive or under family pressure to pursue educational and work tracks. The choice of professional specialization is conditioned by gender stereotypes. Career and professional opportunities of women doctors are limited by an imbalance between work and home responsibilities. Dynasty social and symbolic capital investment strategies are less resourceful for women in clinical practice and more effective in academic medicine. The deconstruction of the traditional gender display in the profession is proceeding at a slow pace, while medical dynasties continue to rather reproduce the inequality and male ethics of the medical profession.
... Among the selected papers in Mazumder (2018), the IGE for income ranges from 0.53 to 0.62. For example, Hertz (2005) restricts the PSID sample to all children born between 1942 and 1972 and observes their income when they were between 25 and 55 years of age. He reports an IGE estimate for the age-adjusted family income of around 0.5. ...
I study Inequality of Opportunity (IOp), its measurement, effects, and relationship to intergenerational persistence using empirical analysis based on data for highincome countries. Inequality of opportunity (IOp) is the part of inequality of outcomes attributable to differences in inherited circumstances. I provide evidence that IOp is higher than previously estimated, that it reduces economic growth, and that it accounts for an important part of intergenerational persistence. Chapter 2 provides lower and upper bound estimates of IOp for 24 European countries, between 2005 and 2011, using EU-Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) data. Most estimates of IOp are lower bounds of its true level and provide a partial view of the importance of involuntarily inherited factors. My upper bound estimates account for up to 90.5%, almost as high as total inequality of outcomes. Inequality of outcomes is strongly correlated with the upper bound estimates of IOp, suggesting a close relationship between the two. Chapter 3 studies the effect of my upper bound estimates of IOp on short-term economic growth using System GMM regressions applied to data for 27 European countries covering the period 2005-2011. A one-standard-deviation increase in IOp results in a decrease in growth rates ranging from 1.2 to 3.1 percentage points. Inequality of outcomes also has a statistically significant effect on growth, albeit much less robust. These estimates suggest that while all income inequalities might hinder growth, IOp is particularly harmful. Chapter 4 studies the relationship between IOp and the intergenerational elasticity for individual earnings and family income. Using the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) I find that circumstances account for around 55% of the IGE. Parental education accounts for a quarter of the total contribution of circumstances, reflecting the importance of educational inequalities in the U.S.A. I also find that childhood circumstances have an important influence on the income of the offspring that is not accounted for by the IGE.
... Although almost all of the existing studies on India focus primarily (or exclusively) on relative mobility, it has been emphasized in the recent literature that inter-group analysis of intergenerational mobility based solely on relative mobility can be misleading, as different groups may be converging to different steady states defined in part by the intercept term (Hertz (2005) (2019)). The estimates for the linear CEF show that the intercept for the daughters is lower. ...
We incorporate gender bias against girls in the family, the school and the labor market in a model of intergenerational persistence in schooling where parents self-finance children's education because of credit market imperfections. Parents may underestimate a girl's ability, expect lower returns, and assign lower weights to their welfare ("pure son preference"). The model delivers the widely-used linear conditional expectation function (CEF) under constant returns and separabil-ity, but generates an irrelevance theorem: parental bias does not affect relative mobility. With diminishing returns and complementarity, the CEF can be concave or convex, and gender bias affects both relative and absolute mobility. We test these predictions in India and China using data not subject to coresidency bias. The evidence rejects the linear CEF, both in rural and urban India, in favor of a concave relation. The girls face lower mobility irrespective of location in India when born to fathers with low schooling, but the gender gap closes when the fathers are college educated. In China, the CEF is convex for sons in urban areas, but linear in all other cases. The convexity for urban sons supports the complementarity hypothesis of Becker et al. (2018), and leads to gender divergence in relative mobility for the children of highly educated fathers. In urban China, and urban and rural India, the mechanisms are underestimation of ability of girls and unfavorable school environment. There is some evidence of pure son preference in rural India. The girls in rural China do not face bias in financial investment by parents, but they still face lower mobility when born to uneducated parents. The mechanism is constraints in rural schools, with no convincing evidence of parental bias.
... parents' socioeconomic characteristics are considered (Chetty et al., 2020;Hertz, 2005;Mason, 2007). Different patterns of intergenerational income mobility also explain racial income disparities across generations: Black people's chances of upward income mobility are lower than white people's, and their risk of downward mobility is higher than that of their white counterparts (Bhattacharya & Mazumder, 2011;Bloome & Western, 2011;Chetty et al., 2020). ...
... I included parents' wealth as well as income because existing studies show that Black parents' low levels of wealth are associated with Black children's low adult incomes (Chetty et al., 2020;Conley, 1999;Shapiro, 2004). Parents' social characteristics, such as education and marital status, are hypothesized to explain the Black-white income disparity (Bloome, 2014;Chetty et al., 2020;Hardie & Seltzer, 2016;Hertz, 2005;Kearney, 2006). Because the distributions of family income and net worth are highly skewed, I used the logarithm form in decomposition analyses. ...
Objective
Racial economic disparities are wide and persistent in the United States. This study aims to expand our knowledge of racial economic disparities by examining the role of parental financial assistance for college in maintaining racial income disparities across generations.
Method
Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, I applied Oaxaca–Blinder decomposition to separate the Black–white income disparity into an explained component (disparity due to compositional differences in parental socioeconomic status and financial assistance) and an unexplained component.
Results
Black children have a lower chance of receiving parental financial assistance for college mostly due to their parents’ lower levels of socioeconomic resources compared to white parents. Parental financial assistance explains a significant portion (7%) of the Black–white income disparity, but it loses its statistical significance when children’s own educational attainment is considered.
Conclusions
Parental financial assistance for college is one mechanism through which parents’ socioeconomic resources perpetuate the Black–white income disparity across generations. Findings support the need for social policies to promote equal educational opportunity for all children and to reduce racial economic disparities. Lowering financial barriers to college would improve all children’s economic prospects and reduce racial economic disparities.
... 11 Sixty-two percent of American children born in the bottom income decile will likely remain in the bottom three deciles in adulthood, with only one percent rising to the top decile. Of those born in the top decile, 59 percent will stay in the top three deciles in adulthood, with only two percent falling to the bottom (Hertz 2005). Imagine a hypothetical kindergarten cohort of 25 poor students meeting years later at their twenty-year high-school reunion-at these mobility rates, maybe one of those 25 poor classmates would have risen to the top of the income hierarchy, while 15 or 16 would have remained stuck at or near the bottom. ...
Freedom is considered one of America’s most cherished values. Most Americans agree that freedom requires order, justice, security, opportunity, fairness, absence of harm, absence of undue interference, and a variety of rights. But while Americans may agree on these things in broad, abstract terms, they are often divided over their precise definitions. In this article, the authors emphasize how a variety of societal problems—including climate change, racial inequality, poverty and economic inequality, concentrated disadvantage, intergenerational transmission of privilege and disadvantage, and the undermining of truth and expertise—are issues of freedom. The authors discuss the connection between these issues and freedom, and the need to demand action from elected representatives in order to enact true freedom for all Americans.
