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This bilingual, cross-national study analyzes stories about the Colombian peace process that were engaged with on social media to understand the use of peace and war framing in news reporting. Using content analysis as a method, this paper operationalized Galtung’s classification of peace journalism and follows framing methodological adjustments an...
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Context 1
... news articles shared on social media about the Colombian peace process tend to privilege elite-official perspectives and a two-party style reporting while voices of common people and other parties involved are barely heard. Given that independent statistical tests were performed simultaneously, an additional Bonferroni correction test was run to adjust the P value by dividing it by the number of comparisons made (Tables 1 and 2). ...Citations
... This conflict has been under the international media spotlight, especially since the signing of the peace agreement in 2016 between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) guerrillas, one of the oldest and largest guerilla groups in Latin America. Moreover, the unique characteristics of this conflict have led to its portrayal from different perspectives and journalistic formats [8,9]. ...
... To achieve its objectives, the study draws on key studies on immersive journalism [2,10,11], war and peace journalism [8,[12][13][14] and uses a mixed-method approach that combines content analysis and in-depth interviews with experts as a combined mode of inquiry. The study will adopt Benítez [15] analysis system of 360° video and adapt its categories to tackle the specific thematic/narrative characteristics of our empirical sample. ...
... However, Colombia stands out in the region for its adoption of peace journalism as an active tool for reporting and as a theoretical framework for analyzing media coverage of the conflict [29]. Research on peace and war journalism in Colombia shows that media outlets have frequently portrayed the Colombian conflict from a war frame [8,30,31], even when the events in question are intended to be presented within a peace context, such as the peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP guerrillas [8]. Nonetheless, there is also evidence of Colombian journalists' interest in understanding their role in the conflict and in employing practices that can contribute to peacebuilding, such as contextualizing the conflict, offering solutions, and amplifying the voices of ordinary people [32]. ...
... Media reporting on demonstrations can profoundly affect the way the public reacts not only to protest but also the state response to protest. The extensive literature on media framing (see Chong and Druckman 2007 for a review) found that how the media choose to frame a story plays an important role in the public's evaluation of protestors and the reaction from authorities to the protests (Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley 1997) and institutional legitimacy (Nicholson and Howard 2003)-and even can shape how voters decide on ballot questions related to the relevant news (García-Perdomo, Harlow, and Brown 2022). ...
... Несмотря на то, что оба компонента дихотомии взаимообусловливают и определяют друг друга, отрицательный член пары доминирует, поэтому образная составляющая концепта «Война» разработана коллективным сознанием более обстоятельно. В недавнем исследовании (García-Perdomo et al., 2022) было доказано, что 'новостные медиа предпочитают использовать милитарные нарративы вместо нарративов мира, а пользователи социальных сетей отдают предпочтение распространению информации о войне, но не мире' (García-Perdomo et al., 2022). ...
... Несмотря на то, что оба компонента дихотомии взаимообусловливают и определяют друг друга, отрицательный член пары доминирует, поэтому образная составляющая концепта «Война» разработана коллективным сознанием более обстоятельно. В недавнем исследовании (García-Perdomo et al., 2022) было доказано, что 'новостные медиа предпочитают использовать милитарные нарративы вместо нарративов мира, а пользователи социальных сетей отдают предпочтение распространению информации о войне, но не мире' (García-Perdomo et al., 2022). ...
Аннотация
Одним из действенных когнитивных инструментов скрытого воздействия на человека является внедрение нарративов и интенций в его подсознание используя единицы псевдотождества, в частности концептуальную метафору.
Настоящее исследование посвящено когнитивно-прагматическому моделированию хронотопической метафоры в составе концептов «Война» и «Мир» в украинском русскоязычном дискурсе периода гибридной войны. На материале публикаций интернет-изданий «Зеркало недели», «Две тысячи», «Вечерние вести» за период 2014–2019 гг. произведен когнитивно-дискурсивный анализ современной хронотопической метафоры. В работе восстановлена образная пространственно-временная парадигма концептов и охарактеризован ее прагматический потенциал. Наряду с этим определено место концептов в кругу бинарных оппозиций «свое-чужое», «верх-низ», «хтоническое-сакральное», перечислены реализованные метафорами нарративы и определены когнитивные векторы осмысления войны и мира в свете российской агрессии против Украины.
Детальное исследование когнитивных метафор из сферы-источника «Время и пространство» как средства концептуализации войны и мира в новостном дискурсе указало на существование в нем хронотопов войны и мира. В данном контексте хронотоп определяется как этноспецифическое, исторически и культурно обусловленное представление о пространственном и темпоральном плане войны и мира, апеллирующее к архаическим представлениям этноса и вербально объективированное речевыми единицами с пространственной и временной семантикой. Установлено, что представление о мире выстраивается на основе представлений о войне, а хронотоп мира связан с милитарным хронотопом, поскольку негативный конец аксиологической шкалы человека всегда длиннее, чем позитивный. Успешное достижение мира предполагает пересечения хтонического пространства войны. Поэтому в работе особое внимание уделено описанию качественных параметров хронотопов войны и мира, а также образных средств их объективации. Результаты исследования демонстрируют мировоззренческие установки, эксплицированные хронотопической метафорой, а также определяют ее роль как эффективного инструмента для воздействия на общественное сознание.
The invasion of Ukraine by Russia on February 24, 2022, was a historical milestone, bringing, for the first time since World War II, an all-out war to the very heart of Europe. News media, especially television, typically constitute the main window on the war scene and related topics. While media have proliferated in the digital era, television retains a crucial role in the process of creating and maintaining the climate of public opinion for or against the war. This content analysis study was initiated at Tampere University, Finland, in March 2022 with the support of the Tampere-based C. V. Åkerlund Media Foundation—in response to the appalling aggression of adjacent Russia toward another neighbor, Ukraine, causing a shockwave throughout Finnish society. The study initially focused on war coverage in television news in Russia, China, and Finland from the invasion forward for two months. Soon the selection of countries was expanded by the participation of the United Kingdom, Italy, and the United States (the latter by two teams) as well as Brazil, India, and South Africa, following up earlier cooperation on a study about media in the BRICS coalition of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS Project, 2012).
The study was essentially exploratory, without a conventional literature review or theoretically sophisticated questions. However, its results provide several leads for follow-up research to test and elaborate relevant theories.
Objective/context: This article examines the use of emotional argumentation patterns of social forgiveness and non-forgiveness regarding Gustavo Petro’s past in the M-19 movement in the context of the 2022 Colombian presidential elections. Methodology: An inductive media framing analysis of selected Colombian newspapers was carried out. The frames analyzed exemplify the relevance different newspapers have attributed to Petro’s past in their pre-election coverage. Conclusions: This analysis demonstrates that those frames that project a negative view of Petro’s past carried especially marked patterns of non-forgiveness and an accompanying delegitimization of his person and political ambitions. The negative portrayal in a particular newspaper presented clear patterns of emotional argumentation of politically ideological opposition to Petro in contrast to the media landscape in general. The other newspapers analyzed, however, revealed a predominantly neutral pattern of argumentation that paid attention to Petro’s past but did not use it judgmentally against him. In relatively few cases, the argument of social forgiveness was even used in his favor. The results show that, especially for the ideological opposition to Petro, reference to his past in the M-19 was considered a legitimate means to undermine his political ambitions. However, considering the general overall coverage of the newspapers, Petro’s past was of marginal importance. Originality: This analysis provides insights into how Colombian media framed the past of the current Colombian president in the M-19 during the 2022 presidential campaign, potentially influencing public opinion-making processes. The results can serve as a reference for more comprehensive analyses to better understand the role of forgiveness and non-forgiveness in the context of political discourses in post-conflict states.
