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Map of the Danube Gorges region with the location of principal Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic sites. Dots5open-air sites. Half-dots5caves and rockshelters. 

Map of the Danube Gorges region with the location of principal Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic sites. Dots5open-air sites. Half-dots5caves and rockshelters. 

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Recent excavations (2006–2009) at the Mesolithic-Neolithic site of Vlasac in the Danube Gorges region of the north-central Balkans have focused on a reevaluation of previous conclusions about site formation processes, stratigraphy, chronology, and the nature of occupation. Mostly Late Mesolithic remains had been encountered in the preserved portion...

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... is located close to the downstream exit of the Upper Gorge of the Danube, marked by a large promontory known as Greben. The site is found near Greben, at the place known as Tahtalija, at the foot of Boljetinsko Hill (FIG. 2). Before the 19th-century regulation of the Danube, there used to be a dangerous cataract at Tahtalija with the strong sound of roaring water (Petrovic´1941Petrovic´Petrovic´1941). Here the channel is 2400 m wide and rocky, which in the past created navigational problems. Greben is a large promontory and it narrows the navigation channel to 420 m or, together with the rocky plateau called Vranj at the time of low water levels, to 220 m. Immediately after Greben there is a very strong and deep whirlpool (30 m deep) (Petrovic´1941Petrovic´Petrovic´1941). After Greben the Danube widens again and the depth is ca. 3-9 m; the Upper Gorge is followed by the Donji Milanovac valley filled with Miocene sediments (Markovic´-Markovic´-Marjanovic´1978Marjanovic´ Marjanovic´1978). D. SrejovicándSrejovicánd Z. Letica (1978) investigated the site in [1970][1971], covering an area of 640 sq m along the riverbank up to an altitude of around 70 masl, the zone that would have been flooded with the construction of the Ðerdap (Iron Gates) Dam I some 100 km downstream from Vlasac. The rising water levels of the artificial lake in front of the first dam in 1971 prevented further work in the area below 70 masl while the Danube slowly eroded away the newly created riverbank section, continuing to the start of our work in 2006 (FIG. 3A). Prior to the discovery and excavation of Vlasac, D. Srejovic´(Srejovic´Srejovic´(1972) excavated the neighboring site of Lepenski Vir, located approxi- mately 3 km upstream from Vlasac. Lepenski Vir is well known for elaborate trapezoidal limestone building floors and central stone-lined hearths along with the presence of numerous carved sandstone boulder artworks, some depicting hybrid human-fish beings (Boric´2005Boric´Boric´2005; Radovanovic´1996Radovanovic´Radovanovic´1996; Srejovic´1972Srejovic´Srejovic´1972; SrejovicándSrejovicánd Babovic´1982Babovic´Babovic´1982). Most of these features are now dated to the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition from ca. 6200 to 5900 CAL B.C. ...
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... the bottom of the stratigraphic sequence is the bedrock consisting of gray limestone scree. Above this level one finds reddish brown calcitic clay, 15-40 cm thick (FIG. 6B) (BoricétBoricét al. 2008: fig. 11). This is a palaeosol with some stability, representing incipient Early Holocene soil formation with woodland cover. At the upper part of this palaeosol one may see some anthropogenic activity, possibly related to woodland clearance, which, with time, intensified downslope erosion of scree and its deposition in depressions and tree throws. Cultural activities continued for more than a millennium (see below) even in those areas affected by the hillwash accumulation as in the case of the burial sequence discovered in Trench 3 in 2006 (FIG. ...
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... the burial sequence in Trench 3/2006 there are no preserved burial remains that date to the period between ca. 6500 and 6200 CAL B.C., the latest phase of the Late Mesolithic. The first burial that strati- graphically follows mid-7th millennium B.C. burials with carp teeth ornaments is H63, which is dated to the period after 6200 CAL B.C. While the head or garment on the back side of this female individual was ornamented with carp teeth appliqués, here for the first time one also finds ornaments of Spondylus shell, which were made with distinctively new techno- morphological traits, along with white and red discoid limestone beads, which were clear examples of new forms that come from a different (Neolithic- looking) cultural repertoire. It should be noted that ornaments found in Vlasac burials after ca. 6200 CAL B.C. could be seen as the first signs of changes in materials adopted by local foragers who were affected by contacts with Early Neolithic communities (Boric´2007aBoric´ Boric´2007a, ...
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... were two main zones of human burials in the area excavated at Vlasac from 2006 to 2009. The first zone is characterized by exclusively Late Mesolithic, mid-7th millennium B.C. burials in Trenches 3/2007 and 1/2008 in the western part of the excavated area (FIG. 4). Five primary burials (H244, H254, H267, H317, and H326) were distributed over this area largely following the same position and orientation, that is, they were placed parallel to the Danube with their heads pointing downstream. In addition, burial H2 was found in this general area in front of the eroded riverbank section at the level of the beach gravel (Boric´2006Boric´Boric´2006). This burial was, at the time of the discovery, partly damaged and exposed by river erosion. It dates to 6775-6470 CAL B.C. (OxA-16541) (at 95% confidence) after the correction for the aquatic reservoir effect (TABLE 1). The burial included 642 perforated, unmodified, and fragmented phar- yngeal carp teeth once attached to some sort of cloak placed on the back of the deceased. There were also 32 Cyclope neritea marine gastropod beads, 15 of which were part of a closely knit line of beads found lying beneath the upper femurs of burial H2 (Cristiani and Boric´2012Boric´Boric´2012). There was also a large stone block placed over the lower legs of this individual. The dating of this burial, the range and quantity of ornaments and the pattern of their distribution in the burial as well as the placement of a large stone block over the lower legs are all strikingly similar to child burial H297 found in the second burial concentration in Trench 3/2006 (FIG. 10). These suggest standardized Late Mesolithic burial ...
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... Neolithic Starčevo ceramics were found at Vlasac. Interestingly, the largest number of pot- sherds came from Trench 3/2006 and were vertically stratified above the burial place described above. Potsherds were found in the layer that was covering the large stone blocks that sealed the burial place, with the center of the ceramic concentration in square 96/ 98, but ceramics were also found in adjacent quad- rants, including one almost complete vessel (Boric´2007aBoric´ Boric´2007a: fig. 3.6). Also found associated with this level was one green discoid stone bead (FIG. 14: 11). Thanks to their stratigraphic superposition, it is possible to provide a terminus post quem for the pottery at the site on the basis of the dated red deer skull that was deposited upon the closing of the burial space between 6006 and 5838 CAL B.C. (OxA-16544) (at 95 % confidence) (TABLE 1); Early Neolithic ceramics might not have reached Vlasac before ca. 6000 CAL ...
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... second zone of burials at Vlasac is found in Trench 3/2006. There burials from the Mesolithic- Neolithic transition are superimposed on Late Mesolithic ones (FIG. 10). This represents the first unequivocal evidence for the existence of this transi- tional phase at Vlasac, significantly contributing to our understanding of the influence of the earliest farming and stock breeding Neolithic groups from the surrounding areas of the Balkans of indigenous foragers at the end of the 7th millennium B.C. The sequence of interments in this zone started upon the 2014abandonment of a dwelling. It seems that this location was first used in the first centuries of the 7th millennium B.C., followed by the construction of a floor area. This floor area was abandoned by depositing a layer of sterile soil over it. Among the first burials found on the same level in this location were adult burial H136 and child burial H297 (FIG. 10), with the individual in burial H136 dated to 6774-6472 CAL B.C. (OxA-18865) (at 95% confidence) after the correction for the aquatic reservoir effect (TABLE 1). Undisturbed one year old child burial H297 was associated with 701 perforated, unmodified and fragmented pieces of carp (Cyprinidae sp.) pharyngeal teeth and 22 beads made of Cyclope neritea marine gastropod shells, most likely originally on some kind of burial cloak (Cristiani and Boric´2012Boric´ Boric´2012). Also in child burial H297, there was a large intentionally fashioned stone block placed over the lower legs of this individual, similar to the one found in burial H2 in the burial zone in the western part of the excavated area (see above). Probably somewhat later was an adult inhumation, H232, found in the southern part of the burial area in Trench 3/2006 (FIGS. 10, 12A). In contrast to burial H297, only 27 carp teeth ornaments were found in this inhumation ( provides a terminus post quem for this inhumation. The AMS sample was from a charred cornelian cherry, Cornus mas, pit (Allué et al. in press;FilipovicétFilipovic´Filipovicét al. 2010) found in the fill of the cremation pit, Feature 26 (context 249), which was directly beneath burial H232 and which contained large amounts of charcoal, burnt human bones, and bone projectile points (FIG. 12B). The cremation event and the interment of H232 might have been related, occurring one after the other. Some of these burnt human bones might have come from disturbed burial H136 (BoricétBoric´Boricét al. 2009). A large part of H136 might have ended up in one or more cremation pits made at this location; only the feet and partly preserved lower legs of this individual were found in primary articulation. This disturbance of older burials and the subsequent fragmentation and burning of bones seems to have been a recurrent practice at Vlasac as stratigraphi- cally later burials in this location exhibit the same pattern of manipulation and secondary deposition of bones from earlier burials (Boric´2010Boric´Boric´2010). The described cremation event(s) happened prior to the interment of burial H81, dated to 6639-6440 CAL B.C. (OxA-20762) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1). Primary inhumation burial H81 is found slightly displaced to the south and the west of H136 and at a higher level, but along the same axis and with the same orientation and position as H136 (FIG. 10). This more complete inhumation was clearly disturbed by the placement of primary burial H63, which was placed along the same axis following the same position and orientation of burial H81. Furthermore, in the fill of H63 one finds several disarticulated bones of H81 placed alongside burial H63 (FIG. 10). However, on the basis of the radiocarbon date for burial H81 and the date of burial H63 with the range 6232-6018 CAL B.C. (OxA- 16542) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1), it seems that these two interment events are at least three centuries apart. Disarticulated and fragmented bones of Late Mesolithic burial H81 were placed along the legs and in the fill of burial H63 which was ...
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... second zone of burials at Vlasac is found in Trench 3/2006. There burials from the Mesolithic- Neolithic transition are superimposed on Late Mesolithic ones (FIG. 10). This represents the first unequivocal evidence for the existence of this transi- tional phase at Vlasac, significantly contributing to our understanding of the influence of the earliest farming and stock breeding Neolithic groups from the surrounding areas of the Balkans of indigenous foragers at the end of the 7th millennium B.C. The sequence of interments in this zone started upon the 2014abandonment of a dwelling. It seems that this location was first used in the first centuries of the 7th millennium B.C., followed by the construction of a floor area. This floor area was abandoned by depositing a layer of sterile soil over it. Among the first burials found on the same level in this location were adult burial H136 and child burial H297 (FIG. 10), with the individual in burial H136 dated to 6774-6472 CAL B.C. (OxA-18865) (at 95% confidence) after the correction for the aquatic reservoir effect (TABLE 1). Undisturbed one year old child burial H297 was associated with 701 perforated, unmodified and fragmented pieces of carp (Cyprinidae sp.) pharyngeal teeth and 22 beads made of Cyclope neritea marine gastropod shells, most likely originally on some kind of burial cloak (Cristiani and Boric´2012Boric´ Boric´2012). Also in child burial H297, there was a large intentionally fashioned stone block placed over the lower legs of this individual, similar to the one found in burial H2 in the burial zone in the western part of the excavated area (see above). Probably somewhat later was an adult inhumation, H232, found in the southern part of the burial area in Trench 3/2006 (FIGS. 10, 12A). In contrast to burial H297, only 27 carp teeth ornaments were found in this inhumation ( provides a terminus post quem for this inhumation. The AMS sample was from a charred cornelian cherry, Cornus mas, pit (Allué et al. in press;FilipovicétFilipovic´Filipovicét al. 2010) found in the fill of the cremation pit, Feature 26 (context 249), which was directly beneath burial H232 and which contained large amounts of charcoal, burnt human bones, and bone projectile points (FIG. 12B). The cremation event and the interment of H232 might have been related, occurring one after the other. Some of these burnt human bones might have come from disturbed burial H136 (BoricétBoric´Boricét al. 2009). A large part of H136 might have ended up in one or more cremation pits made at this location; only the feet and partly preserved lower legs of this individual were found in primary articulation. This disturbance of older burials and the subsequent fragmentation and burning of bones seems to have been a recurrent practice at Vlasac as stratigraphi- cally later burials in this location exhibit the same pattern of manipulation and secondary deposition of bones from earlier burials (Boric´2010Boric´Boric´2010). The described cremation event(s) happened prior to the interment of burial H81, dated to 6639-6440 CAL B.C. (OxA-20762) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1). Primary inhumation burial H81 is found slightly displaced to the south and the west of H136 and at a higher level, but along the same axis and with the same orientation and position as H136 (FIG. 10). This more complete inhumation was clearly disturbed by the placement of primary burial H63, which was placed along the same axis following the same position and orientation of burial H81. Furthermore, in the fill of H63 one finds several disarticulated bones of H81 placed alongside burial H63 (FIG. 10). However, on the basis of the radiocarbon date for burial H81 and the date of burial H63 with the range 6232-6018 CAL B.C. (OxA- 16542) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1), it seems that these two interment events are at least three centuries apart. Disarticulated and fragmented bones of Late Mesolithic burial H81 were placed along the legs and in the fill of burial H63 which was ...
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... second zone of burials at Vlasac is found in Trench 3/2006. There burials from the Mesolithic- Neolithic transition are superimposed on Late Mesolithic ones (FIG. 10). This represents the first unequivocal evidence for the existence of this transi- tional phase at Vlasac, significantly contributing to our understanding of the influence of the earliest farming and stock breeding Neolithic groups from the surrounding areas of the Balkans of indigenous foragers at the end of the 7th millennium B.C. The sequence of interments in this zone started upon the 2014abandonment of a dwelling. It seems that this location was first used in the first centuries of the 7th millennium B.C., followed by the construction of a floor area. This floor area was abandoned by depositing a layer of sterile soil over it. Among the first burials found on the same level in this location were adult burial H136 and child burial H297 (FIG. 10), with the individual in burial H136 dated to 6774-6472 CAL B.C. (OxA-18865) (at 95% confidence) after the correction for the aquatic reservoir effect (TABLE 1). Undisturbed one year old child burial H297 was associated with 701 perforated, unmodified and fragmented pieces of carp (Cyprinidae sp.) pharyngeal teeth and 22 beads made of Cyclope neritea marine gastropod shells, most likely originally on some kind of burial cloak (Cristiani and Boric´2012Boric´ Boric´2012). Also in child burial H297, there was a large intentionally fashioned stone block placed over the lower legs of this individual, similar to the one found in burial H2 in the burial zone in the western part of the excavated area (see above). Probably somewhat later was an adult inhumation, H232, found in the southern part of the burial area in Trench 3/2006 (FIGS. 10, 12A). In contrast to burial H297, only 27 carp teeth ornaments were found in this inhumation ( provides a terminus post quem for this inhumation. The AMS sample was from a charred cornelian cherry, Cornus mas, pit (Allué et al. in press;FilipovicétFilipovic´Filipovicét al. 2010) found in the fill of the cremation pit, Feature 26 (context 249), which was directly beneath burial H232 and which contained large amounts of charcoal, burnt human bones, and bone projectile points (FIG. 12B). The cremation event and the interment of H232 might have been related, occurring one after the other. Some of these burnt human bones might have come from disturbed burial H136 (BoricétBoric´Boricét al. 2009). A large part of H136 might have ended up in one or more cremation pits made at this location; only the feet and partly preserved lower legs of this individual were found in primary articulation. This disturbance of older burials and the subsequent fragmentation and burning of bones seems to have been a recurrent practice at Vlasac as stratigraphi- cally later burials in this location exhibit the same pattern of manipulation and secondary deposition of bones from earlier burials (Boric´2010Boric´Boric´2010). The described cremation event(s) happened prior to the interment of burial H81, dated to 6639-6440 CAL B.C. (OxA-20762) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1). Primary inhumation burial H81 is found slightly displaced to the south and the west of H136 and at a higher level, but along the same axis and with the same orientation and position as H136 (FIG. 10). This more complete inhumation was clearly disturbed by the placement of primary burial H63, which was placed along the same axis following the same position and orientation of burial H81. Furthermore, in the fill of H63 one finds several disarticulated bones of H81 placed alongside burial H63 (FIG. 10). However, on the basis of the radiocarbon date for burial H81 and the date of burial H63 with the range 6232-6018 CAL B.C. (OxA- 16542) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1), it seems that these two interment events are at least three centuries apart. Disarticulated and fragmented bones of Late Mesolithic burial H81 were placed along the legs and in the fill of burial H63 which was ...
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... second zone of burials at Vlasac is found in Trench 3/2006. There burials from the Mesolithic- Neolithic transition are superimposed on Late Mesolithic ones (FIG. 10). This represents the first unequivocal evidence for the existence of this transi- tional phase at Vlasac, significantly contributing to our understanding of the influence of the earliest farming and stock breeding Neolithic groups from the surrounding areas of the Balkans of indigenous foragers at the end of the 7th millennium B.C. The sequence of interments in this zone started upon the 2014abandonment of a dwelling. It seems that this location was first used in the first centuries of the 7th millennium B.C., followed by the construction of a floor area. This floor area was abandoned by depositing a layer of sterile soil over it. Among the first burials found on the same level in this location were adult burial H136 and child burial H297 (FIG. 10), with the individual in burial H136 dated to 6774-6472 CAL B.C. (OxA-18865) (at 95% confidence) after the correction for the aquatic reservoir effect (TABLE 1). Undisturbed one year old child burial H297 was associated with 701 perforated, unmodified and fragmented pieces of carp (Cyprinidae sp.) pharyngeal teeth and 22 beads made of Cyclope neritea marine gastropod shells, most likely originally on some kind of burial cloak (Cristiani and Boric´2012Boric´ Boric´2012). Also in child burial H297, there was a large intentionally fashioned stone block placed over the lower legs of this individual, similar to the one found in burial H2 in the burial zone in the western part of the excavated area (see above). Probably somewhat later was an adult inhumation, H232, found in the southern part of the burial area in Trench 3/2006 (FIGS. 10, 12A). In contrast to burial H297, only 27 carp teeth ornaments were found in this inhumation ( provides a terminus post quem for this inhumation. The AMS sample was from a charred cornelian cherry, Cornus mas, pit (Allué et al. in press;FilipovicétFilipovic´Filipovicét al. 2010) found in the fill of the cremation pit, Feature 26 (context 249), which was directly beneath burial H232 and which contained large amounts of charcoal, burnt human bones, and bone projectile points (FIG. 12B). The cremation event and the interment of H232 might have been related, occurring one after the other. Some of these burnt human bones might have come from disturbed burial H136 (BoricétBoric´Boricét al. 2009). A large part of H136 might have ended up in one or more cremation pits made at this location; only the feet and partly preserved lower legs of this individual were found in primary articulation. This disturbance of older burials and the subsequent fragmentation and burning of bones seems to have been a recurrent practice at Vlasac as stratigraphi- cally later burials in this location exhibit the same pattern of manipulation and secondary deposition of bones from earlier burials (Boric´2010Boric´Boric´2010). The described cremation event(s) happened prior to the interment of burial H81, dated to 6639-6440 CAL B.C. (OxA-20762) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1). Primary inhumation burial H81 is found slightly displaced to the south and the west of H136 and at a higher level, but along the same axis and with the same orientation and position as H136 (FIG. 10). This more complete inhumation was clearly disturbed by the placement of primary burial H63, which was placed along the same axis following the same position and orientation of burial H81. Furthermore, in the fill of H63 one finds several disarticulated bones of H81 placed alongside burial H63 (FIG. 10). However, on the basis of the radiocarbon date for burial H81 and the date of burial H63 with the range 6232-6018 CAL B.C. (OxA- 16542) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1), it seems that these two interment events are at least three centuries apart. Disarticulated and fragmented bones of Late Mesolithic burial H81 were placed along the legs and in the fill of burial H63 which was ...
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... second zone of burials at Vlasac is found in Trench 3/2006. There burials from the Mesolithic- Neolithic transition are superimposed on Late Mesolithic ones (FIG. 10). This represents the first unequivocal evidence for the existence of this transi- tional phase at Vlasac, significantly contributing to our understanding of the influence of the earliest farming and stock breeding Neolithic groups from the surrounding areas of the Balkans of indigenous foragers at the end of the 7th millennium B.C. The sequence of interments in this zone started upon the 2014abandonment of a dwelling. It seems that this location was first used in the first centuries of the 7th millennium B.C., followed by the construction of a floor area. This floor area was abandoned by depositing a layer of sterile soil over it. Among the first burials found on the same level in this location were adult burial H136 and child burial H297 (FIG. 10), with the individual in burial H136 dated to 6774-6472 CAL B.C. (OxA-18865) (at 95% confidence) after the correction for the aquatic reservoir effect (TABLE 1). Undisturbed one year old child burial H297 was associated with 701 perforated, unmodified and fragmented pieces of carp (Cyprinidae sp.) pharyngeal teeth and 22 beads made of Cyclope neritea marine gastropod shells, most likely originally on some kind of burial cloak (Cristiani and Boric´2012Boric´ Boric´2012). Also in child burial H297, there was a large intentionally fashioned stone block placed over the lower legs of this individual, similar to the one found in burial H2 in the burial zone in the western part of the excavated area (see above). Probably somewhat later was an adult inhumation, H232, found in the southern part of the burial area in Trench 3/2006 (FIGS. 10, 12A). In contrast to burial H297, only 27 carp teeth ornaments were found in this inhumation ( provides a terminus post quem for this inhumation. The AMS sample was from a charred cornelian cherry, Cornus mas, pit (Allué et al. in press;FilipovicétFilipovic´Filipovicét al. 2010) found in the fill of the cremation pit, Feature 26 (context 249), which was directly beneath burial H232 and which contained large amounts of charcoal, burnt human bones, and bone projectile points (FIG. 12B). The cremation event and the interment of H232 might have been related, occurring one after the other. Some of these burnt human bones might have come from disturbed burial H136 (BoricétBoric´Boricét al. 2009). A large part of H136 might have ended up in one or more cremation pits made at this location; only the feet and partly preserved lower legs of this individual were found in primary articulation. This disturbance of older burials and the subsequent fragmentation and burning of bones seems to have been a recurrent practice at Vlasac as stratigraphi- cally later burials in this location exhibit the same pattern of manipulation and secondary deposition of bones from earlier burials (Boric´2010Boric´Boric´2010). The described cremation event(s) happened prior to the interment of burial H81, dated to 6639-6440 CAL B.C. (OxA-20762) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1). Primary inhumation burial H81 is found slightly displaced to the south and the west of H136 and at a higher level, but along the same axis and with the same orientation and position as H136 (FIG. 10). This more complete inhumation was clearly disturbed by the placement of primary burial H63, which was placed along the same axis following the same position and orientation of burial H81. Furthermore, in the fill of H63 one finds several disarticulated bones of H81 placed alongside burial H63 (FIG. 10). However, on the basis of the radiocarbon date for burial H81 and the date of burial H63 with the range 6232-6018 CAL B.C. (OxA- 16542) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1), it seems that these two interment events are at least three centuries apart. Disarticulated and fragmented bones of Late Mesolithic burial H81 were placed along the legs and in the fill of burial H63 which was ...
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... this Late Mesolithic industry is dominated by flakes as the consequence of selecting locally available raw materials which exhibit poor technolo- gical characteristics, the technological basis of this industry is in the Balkan Epipalaeolithic or Epigra- vettian tradition, with its roots in the industry documented at the rockshelter site of Cuina Tur- cului (FIG. 1), found on the northern bank of the Danube downstream from Vlasac. The blade techni- que, which is dominant in the Cuina Turcului Epipalaeolithic industry (Pa ˘unescu 1970), is clearly present at Vlasac, and when used with good quality flint it allowed the production of regular blades and trapezes. The preference for locally available materi- als throughout the Mesolithic at Vlasac and the Danube Gorges area in general led Kozłowski and Kozłowski to suggest that this was the consequence of ''the increasing forestation which blocked the access to some primary deposits, and … the increas- ing isolation of human groups in the Early Holocene'' ( Kozłowski and Kozłowski 1982: 100). Yet, occa- sional pieces of good quality non-local flint, as well as marine gastropods, such as Columbella rustica and Cyclope neritea, the closest source for which was at least 400 km away, were found in the Late Mesolithic deposits at Vlasac (Cristiani and ...
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... the other five burials in this part of the site have not been dated directly, their general orientation and positions (in some cases with stone construc- tions) as well as their range of ornaments suggest that they might also be dated to the Late Mesolithic of the 7th millennium B.C. For instance, a concentration of 251 carp teeth ornaments was found in burial H267 (FIG. 11). In nearby burial H244, the torso and mandible were disturbed by a later intrusion, with possible burning of the disturbed bones, which left only one fragment of a carbonized right humerus in situ, while most of the other disturbed and likely burnt bones were removed. Possibly connected with this exhumation and burning is a cremation pit, Feature 23 (context 242), (TABLE 3) found in the vicinity (FIG. 4). Apart from burnt bones found in this cremation pit, there were 10 carbonized Cyclope neritea beads, suggesting that the fragments of burnt bone and ornaments relate to the disturbed torso of burial H244 (BoricétBoricét al. 2009). A few Late Mesolithic cremations also contained broken and burnt projec- tile points, which might have been comingled and burnt intentionally with disarticulated and fragmen- ted pieces of human bone. Cremation associated with the practice of disturbing parts of older burials is what characterizes mortuary rites at Vlasac during the Late Mesolithic (BoricétBoricét al. 2009). It seems that this practice also remained vital and relevant for the inhabitants of Vlasac throughout the Mesolithic- Neolithic transition as suggested by similar cremation events in the burial sequence in Trench 3/2006 (see ...
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... are 70 pieces of ground stone from the most recent excavations of Vlasac in contrast to 131 specimens from the 1970-1971 excavations at the site (SrejovicándSrejovicánd Letica 1978: 98-103). These artifacts were largely made from sandstone boulders (over 50%) and amphibolites (ca. 25%) with several speci- mens made from aplite, micaschist and chert. The raw material structure of the assemblage corresponds to those at other sites in the region, such as the neighboring site of Lepenski Vir (Antonovic´2006 Antonovic´Antonovic´2006: 19); the primary source of the sandstone boulders is in the vicinity of both sites, in the upper reaches of the Boljetinska ...
Context 14
... clearest indications of both continuities and dramatic changes starting at this time, ca. 6200 CAL B.C., in the Danube Gorges region come from the style of body decoration. Associated with the individual in burial H63, on both sides of the neck and below the shoulder blades were 178 carp teeth ornaments (FIG. 13), most of which were perforated in order to be sewed onto a cloak or headdress. As previously mentioned, this type of ornamentation was abun- dantly used during the course of the Late Mesolithic at Vlasac and at Schela Cladovei (Bonsall 2008;Boric´2012Boric´Boric´2012). Yet, with burial H63, for the first time comes evidence of the use of these ornaments in relation to the head of the deceased. Since no major disturbance characterizes these ornaments and the neck bones, it is possible that the head was removed upon the decomposition of soft tissues. On the left side of the neck of the individual in burial H63, within the concentration of carp teeth ornaments, there was an ovoid shaped Spondylus bead (FIGS. 13B, 14: 7). This bead, clearly associated with the body decoration worn at the time of the burial, is possibly the earliest securely dated item made from Spondylus in southeastern Europe. Moreover, not only is the new exotic marine material (completely replacing previously used exotic materi- als such as Cyclope neritea or Columbella rustica, marine gastropods) used for the production of this bead, but it is also the morphology of the bead and other similar beads (FIG. 14: 7-9) that signifies foreign There were several other inhumations that prob- ably soon followed the interment of the individual in H63 in the same location. Two juvenile/subadult individuals (H60 and H153) (TABLE 3) were placed directly atop H63. Further, digging into the same location at a later date and removing the left pelvis, femur and forearm of H63, which were all kept for later use, and damaging the articulated limbs of the 2-3 year old child in burial H153 (FIG. 15) placed over H63, two neonates (H62 and H69) were interred one on top of the other, possibly as part of the same burial event. At some point, the skulls of individuals in burials H60, H63, and H153 were removed. While the skull of the child in burial H153 was kept for later use, skulls from H60 and H63 and a large number of the postcranial bones from H60 were burnt atop these burials, creating a cremation zone with in situ fire that also partly affected the undisturbed upper torso of the juvenile in burial H60, which was lying directly atop the torso of the adult in burial H63. The burning of likely ''dry'' bones of these individuals was followed (perhaps as part of the same burial ceremony) by the interment of an old woman (burial H53), the last inhumation in this burial place. While in the same position as the other burials and paralleling the Danube, H53 is different from all other burials in this burial place as the woman was oriented with her head pointing upstream, not downstream. The disarticulated left femur from burial H63 that must have been kept in the burial area for some time, was now placed along the axis of the extended body in H53 between her legs (FIG. 10), with a likely intention of producing the appearance of an erect penis. The left pelvic bone and several other disarticulated bones from H63 were also placed over the lower legs of H53. Next to the right hip of this individual a flat stone plaque was inserted vertically, and, on the side of this plaque, two ulnae and a radius coming from older burials H63 and H81 were stacked up together. The pelvis and the head of H53 were then covered by two flat stone plaques. These stone plaques were similar to the ones that were used to cover the lower parts of the legs of the individual in burial H63. A red deer skull was placed atop the stone plaque covering the pelvis in burial H53. This red deer skull is dated to between 6006-5838 CAL B.C. (OxA-16544) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1), repre- senting a terminus ante quem for the interment of burial H53. The red deer skull comes from a young animal that was likely caught between mid-summer and winter, based on the fact that antlers are present, and that red deer usually shed their antlers from March through May and they begin growing again in spring. There were cuts on the frontal and parietal bones, suggesting some sort of skull ...
Context 15
... clearest indications of both continuities and dramatic changes starting at this time, ca. 6200 CAL B.C., in the Danube Gorges region come from the style of body decoration. Associated with the individual in burial H63, on both sides of the neck and below the shoulder blades were 178 carp teeth ornaments (FIG. 13), most of which were perforated in order to be sewed onto a cloak or headdress. As previously mentioned, this type of ornamentation was abun- dantly used during the course of the Late Mesolithic at Vlasac and at Schela Cladovei (Bonsall 2008;Boric´2012Boric´Boric´2012). Yet, with burial H63, for the first time comes evidence of the use of these ornaments in relation to the head of the deceased. Since no major disturbance characterizes these ornaments and the neck bones, it is possible that the head was removed upon the decomposition of soft tissues. On the left side of the neck of the individual in burial H63, within the concentration of carp teeth ornaments, there was an ovoid shaped Spondylus bead (FIGS. 13B, 14: 7). This bead, clearly associated with the body decoration worn at the time of the burial, is possibly the earliest securely dated item made from Spondylus in southeastern Europe. Moreover, not only is the new exotic marine material (completely replacing previously used exotic materi- als such as Cyclope neritea or Columbella rustica, marine gastropods) used for the production of this bead, but it is also the morphology of the bead and other similar beads (FIG. 14: 7-9) that signifies foreign There were several other inhumations that prob- ably soon followed the interment of the individual in H63 in the same location. Two juvenile/subadult individuals (H60 and H153) (TABLE 3) were placed directly atop H63. Further, digging into the same location at a later date and removing the left pelvis, femur and forearm of H63, which were all kept for later use, and damaging the articulated limbs of the 2-3 year old child in burial H153 (FIG. 15) placed over H63, two neonates (H62 and H69) were interred one on top of the other, possibly as part of the same burial event. At some point, the skulls of individuals in burials H60, H63, and H153 were removed. While the skull of the child in burial H153 was kept for later use, skulls from H60 and H63 and a large number of the postcranial bones from H60 were burnt atop these burials, creating a cremation zone with in situ fire that also partly affected the undisturbed upper torso of the juvenile in burial H60, which was lying directly atop the torso of the adult in burial H63. The burning of likely ''dry'' bones of these individuals was followed (perhaps as part of the same burial ceremony) by the interment of an old woman (burial H53), the last inhumation in this burial place. While in the same position as the other burials and paralleling the Danube, H53 is different from all other burials in this burial place as the woman was oriented with her head pointing upstream, not downstream. The disarticulated left femur from burial H63 that must have been kept in the burial area for some time, was now placed along the axis of the extended body in H53 between her legs (FIG. 10), with a likely intention of producing the appearance of an erect penis. The left pelvic bone and several other disarticulated bones from H63 were also placed over the lower legs of H53. Next to the right hip of this individual a flat stone plaque was inserted vertically, and, on the side of this plaque, two ulnae and a radius coming from older burials H63 and H81 were stacked up together. The pelvis and the head of H53 were then covered by two flat stone plaques. These stone plaques were similar to the ones that were used to cover the lower parts of the legs of the individual in burial H63. A red deer skull was placed atop the stone plaque covering the pelvis in burial H53. This red deer skull is dated to between 6006-5838 CAL B.C. (OxA-16544) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1), repre- senting a terminus ante quem for the interment of burial H53. The red deer skull comes from a young animal that was likely caught between mid-summer and winter, based on the fact that antlers are present, and that red deer usually shed their antlers from March through May and they begin growing again in spring. There were cuts on the frontal and parietal bones, suggesting some sort of skull ...
Context 16
... clearest indications of both continuities and dramatic changes starting at this time, ca. 6200 CAL B.C., in the Danube Gorges region come from the style of body decoration. Associated with the individual in burial H63, on both sides of the neck and below the shoulder blades were 178 carp teeth ornaments (FIG. 13), most of which were perforated in order to be sewed onto a cloak or headdress. As previously mentioned, this type of ornamentation was abun- dantly used during the course of the Late Mesolithic at Vlasac and at Schela Cladovei (Bonsall 2008;Boric´2012Boric´Boric´2012). Yet, with burial H63, for the first time comes evidence of the use of these ornaments in relation to the head of the deceased. Since no major disturbance characterizes these ornaments and the neck bones, it is possible that the head was removed upon the decomposition of soft tissues. On the left side of the neck of the individual in burial H63, within the concentration of carp teeth ornaments, there was an ovoid shaped Spondylus bead (FIGS. 13B, 14: 7). This bead, clearly associated with the body decoration worn at the time of the burial, is possibly the earliest securely dated item made from Spondylus in southeastern Europe. Moreover, not only is the new exotic marine material (completely replacing previously used exotic materi- als such as Cyclope neritea or Columbella rustica, marine gastropods) used for the production of this bead, but it is also the morphology of the bead and other similar beads (FIG. 14: 7-9) that signifies foreign There were several other inhumations that prob- ably soon followed the interment of the individual in H63 in the same location. Two juvenile/subadult individuals (H60 and H153) (TABLE 3) were placed directly atop H63. Further, digging into the same location at a later date and removing the left pelvis, femur and forearm of H63, which were all kept for later use, and damaging the articulated limbs of the 2-3 year old child in burial H153 (FIG. 15) placed over H63, two neonates (H62 and H69) were interred one on top of the other, possibly as part of the same burial event. At some point, the skulls of individuals in burials H60, H63, and H153 were removed. While the skull of the child in burial H153 was kept for later use, skulls from H60 and H63 and a large number of the postcranial bones from H60 were burnt atop these burials, creating a cremation zone with in situ fire that also partly affected the undisturbed upper torso of the juvenile in burial H60, which was lying directly atop the torso of the adult in burial H63. The burning of likely ''dry'' bones of these individuals was followed (perhaps as part of the same burial ceremony) by the interment of an old woman (burial H53), the last inhumation in this burial place. While in the same position as the other burials and paralleling the Danube, H53 is different from all other burials in this burial place as the woman was oriented with her head pointing upstream, not downstream. The disarticulated left femur from burial H63 that must have been kept in the burial area for some time, was now placed along the axis of the extended body in H53 between her legs (FIG. 10), with a likely intention of producing the appearance of an erect penis. The left pelvic bone and several other disarticulated bones from H63 were also placed over the lower legs of H53. Next to the right hip of this individual a flat stone plaque was inserted vertically, and, on the side of this plaque, two ulnae and a radius coming from older burials H63 and H81 were stacked up together. The pelvis and the head of H53 were then covered by two flat stone plaques. These stone plaques were similar to the ones that were used to cover the lower parts of the legs of the individual in burial H63. A red deer skull was placed atop the stone plaque covering the pelvis in burial H53. This red deer skull is dated to between 6006-5838 CAL B.C. (OxA-16544) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1), repre- senting a terminus ante quem for the interment of burial H53. The red deer skull comes from a young animal that was likely caught between mid-summer and winter, based on the fact that antlers are present, and that red deer usually shed their antlers from March through May and they begin growing again in spring. There were cuts on the frontal and parietal bones, suggesting some sort of skull ...
Context 17
... clearest indications of both continuities and dramatic changes starting at this time, ca. 6200 CAL B.C., in the Danube Gorges region come from the style of body decoration. Associated with the individual in burial H63, on both sides of the neck and below the shoulder blades were 178 carp teeth ornaments (FIG. 13), most of which were perforated in order to be sewed onto a cloak or headdress. As previously mentioned, this type of ornamentation was abun- dantly used during the course of the Late Mesolithic at Vlasac and at Schela Cladovei (Bonsall 2008;Boric´2012Boric´Boric´2012). Yet, with burial H63, for the first time comes evidence of the use of these ornaments in relation to the head of the deceased. Since no major disturbance characterizes these ornaments and the neck bones, it is possible that the head was removed upon the decomposition of soft tissues. On the left side of the neck of the individual in burial H63, within the concentration of carp teeth ornaments, there was an ovoid shaped Spondylus bead (FIGS. 13B, 14: 7). This bead, clearly associated with the body decoration worn at the time of the burial, is possibly the earliest securely dated item made from Spondylus in southeastern Europe. Moreover, not only is the new exotic marine material (completely replacing previously used exotic materi- als such as Cyclope neritea or Columbella rustica, marine gastropods) used for the production of this bead, but it is also the morphology of the bead and other similar beads (FIG. 14: 7-9) that signifies foreign There were several other inhumations that prob- ably soon followed the interment of the individual in H63 in the same location. Two juvenile/subadult individuals (H60 and H153) (TABLE 3) were placed directly atop H63. Further, digging into the same location at a later date and removing the left pelvis, femur and forearm of H63, which were all kept for later use, and damaging the articulated limbs of the 2-3 year old child in burial H153 (FIG. 15) placed over H63, two neonates (H62 and H69) were interred one on top of the other, possibly as part of the same burial event. At some point, the skulls of individuals in burials H60, H63, and H153 were removed. While the skull of the child in burial H153 was kept for later use, skulls from H60 and H63 and a large number of the postcranial bones from H60 were burnt atop these burials, creating a cremation zone with in situ fire that also partly affected the undisturbed upper torso of the juvenile in burial H60, which was lying directly atop the torso of the adult in burial H63. The burning of likely ''dry'' bones of these individuals was followed (perhaps as part of the same burial ceremony) by the interment of an old woman (burial H53), the last inhumation in this burial place. While in the same position as the other burials and paralleling the Danube, H53 is different from all other burials in this burial place as the woman was oriented with her head pointing upstream, not downstream. The disarticulated left femur from burial H63 that must have been kept in the burial area for some time, was now placed along the axis of the extended body in H53 between her legs (FIG. 10), with a likely intention of producing the appearance of an erect penis. The left pelvic bone and several other disarticulated bones from H63 were also placed over the lower legs of H53. Next to the right hip of this individual a flat stone plaque was inserted vertically, and, on the side of this plaque, two ulnae and a radius coming from older burials H63 and H81 were stacked up together. The pelvis and the head of H53 were then covered by two flat stone plaques. These stone plaques were similar to the ones that were used to cover the lower parts of the legs of the individual in burial H63. A red deer skull was placed atop the stone plaque covering the pelvis in burial H53. This red deer skull is dated to between 6006-5838 CAL B.C. (OxA-16544) (at 95% confidence) (TABLE 1), repre- senting a terminus ante quem for the interment of burial H53. The red deer skull comes from a young animal that was likely caught between mid-summer and winter, based on the fact that antlers are present, and that red deer usually shed their antlers from March through May and they begin growing again in spring. There were cuts on the frontal and parietal bones, suggesting some sort of skull ...
Context 18
... continuity in the use of the same location and characterized by the same mortuary practice (extended burial, oriented parallel to the Danube and with the head pointing downstream) is typical of the Late Mesolithic mortuary canon, which also refer- ences the position of older burials, suggesting the longevity of social memory, possibly related to claims made by particular lineages to older burials. It also indicates the stability of mortuary rites over long periods of time at the site and across the Danube Gorges region as a whole in the course of the Mesolithic, or at the very least an intentional attempt to reference ''the old ways'' ( Boric´2003aBoric´Boric´2003a, 2010BoricétBoric´ Boricét al. 2009). On the other hand, there are also clear deviations from the typical Late Mesolithic mortuary practice starting at the level of burial H63. These changes mainly relate to burial furnishings and body decoration. For instance, two fashioned flat stone plaques were found placed over the lower legs of this individual (FIG. 10); the lower legs remained undis- turbed by later exhumation events and interments. It must be said that this practice of covering the lower legs of the deceased with stone has its roots in the Late Mesolithic at Vlasac where one finds several burials (H2, H297 and H326) (Cristiani and Boric´2012Boric´ Boric´2012) with large, mainly unmodified stones placed over the legs of these individuals. Yet, in the case of burial H63 and later burials in this location, fashioned stone plaques rather than unmodified large stones were used for covering parts of the body of the deceased upon burial. It has been suggested that the practice of placing heavy stones over the legs of the deceased might have been related to attempts to restrict the movement of the dead body and its possible intentions to harm. Other practices evi- denced at Vlasac including wrapping/tying the body, and subsequently exhuming, fragmenting, and burn- ing the remains of the dead, might have been motivated by the same concerns (BoricétBoricét al. ...
Context 19
... the burials dated to the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition phase, there were also other specimens of Spondylus beads as well as a new type of discoid shaped red and white beads (FIGS. 14: 10, 15). Both Spondylus and limestone discoid beads were scattered within the fill of the various burials described above but they were largely disturbed from their primary locations adorning the bodies of the deceased. Only in the undisturbed portion of child burial H153, next to the femur, were several beads found in their likely primary locations (FIG. 15); they are possibly related to the wrist of the child, suggesting that these beads might have come from a bracelet that the child was wearing at the time of the burial. The morphology of these discoid beads (FIG. 14: 10-11) is another new element of material culture in the Danube Gorges area, appearing here for the first time in this period with analogies in various Pre-Pottery Neolithic sites of southwestern Asia (Lichter 2007). Closer to home, at the neighboring site of Lepenski Vir, identical discoid beads from the same material were found in Burials 54e, 87a-b and 93 (Srejovic´1981Srejovic´Srejovic´1981; SrejovicándSrejovicánd Babovic´1982Babovic´Babovic´1982), all three dated to Lepenski Vir I-II, which is contemporaneous with the Mesolithic- Neolithic transition phase at ...
Context 20
... specimens had clear traces of use and fall into the following categories: fish stunners, small anvils, or hammerstones. The latter were used on one or several sides (FIG. 8: 2,3) over a considerable period of time most often for flintknapping, or to make borers and shaft-straighteners, which were possibly used for bone tool manufacturing or bead making. One large river pebble found in context 235, a layer above burial H244, has the shape of a massive axe and has traces of use as a polisher on one face (FIG. 8:1). Anvils are the most frequent category of ground stone tools found in both the old and new excavations at the ...
Context 21
... is likely that the deposition of the body in burial H53 and the red deer skull might have been part of the same burial event, also possibly related to the burning of earlier burials at this location. When compared to the date of H63 that acts as a terminus post quem for the interments of H53, H60, H62, H69, and H153, the maximum span of time in which these five interments took place was not longer than 300 years and likely much shorter. At the same level where the red deer skull was found, but 80 cm south of it and aligned with a large stone block placed on the same level, an isolated child skull, H21, was deposited as a secondary burial (FIG. 10). Based on an estimate of this skull's age, there is the likelihood that it comes from burial H153 (primary inhumation) found atop H63. The whole burial zone, which likely acted as a burial cairn for some time, was covered by large blocks of stone, some of red color, in an intentional act of closing the burial place of a particular social group in a structured ...
Context 22
... sum, the archaeobotanical record of Vlasac allows us to describe plant communities in the Danube Gorges region. The identified taxa mostly indicate forest plant formation with an important shrubby vegetal cover. Oaks might have formed the main forest and most of the other taxa might have formed understory or shrubby vegetation at the forest edges or on the riverbanks. The Vlasac record shows the significance of Cornus mas L. It is possible to relate archaeobotanical remains to firewood in some ritual practices but this does not necessarily suggest symbolic preferences for particular species. Based on the association of Cornelian cherry with burial deposits (i.e., in burial fill), it is tempting to suggest that this species had a symbolic meaning for the Vlasac community and was somehow linked to their burial rites. A relatively large number of Cornus mas pits from Feature 26 (context 249) seem to be the best indication of such an intentional symbolic use of the Cornelian cherry fruits, since the complete absence of Cornus mas charcoal (despite a high frequency of ca. 70 ml of charcoal remains, which is much more than any of the other analyzed samples) from this unit seems to exclude the accidental association of cherries with the branches of burnt firewood used for keeping the cremation fire. We can only speculate about the meaning of the Cornelian cherries' association with this context. Here we mention only a few possibilities: they might have represented remnants from a feast for the dead; the fruits might have been of symbolic importance due to their red color, perhaps analogous to ochre and other red minerals in meaning (cf., Boric´2002bBoric´Boric´2002b); and/or the Cornelian cherry might have been the type of food discarded in the course of the burial ceremony (as a sign of the social rejection of the deceased). Cornelian cherries become ripe in September (JančicJančic´Jančic´1990: 36) and we may suggest that the cremation and probably also the burial event took place in the fall. However, if meant for consumption, cherries could have been dried and stored for several seasons (Wiltshire 1995: 385) (Câ rciumaru 1978) showed the presence of pollen grains from species with potentially edible parts (e.g., Pinus, Quercus, Juglans, Corylus). This could suggest that these species were particularly selected for food; if consumed, they would have provided valuable vitamins and minerals for the diet, complementing the nutrients available from fish and ...
Context 23
... contrast to this patchy archaeological record for foragers is the evidence from the Danube Gorges area in the north-central Balkans. The Danube Gorges area is split by the River Danube between the territories of present day Romania and Serbia (FIG. 1). With the discovery of more than 20 sites having Mesolithic deposits in the Danube Gorges area in the mid-1960s, new data became available that were unprecedented for other areas with a known Mesolithic presence in Europe (cf., Bonsall 2008; Boric´2011Boric´Boric´2011; Boroneant¸2000Boroneant¸ Boroneant¸2000; Clarke 1976; Jovanovic´2008Jovanovic´Jovanovic´2008; Nandris 1971; Radovanovic´1996Radovanovic´Radovanovic´1996; Srejovic´1972Srejovic´Srejovic´1972; Tringham 2000). However, excavations conducted at these sites were rather crude rescue projects because of the threat of the rising waters of the artificial lake created by the construction of a hydroelectric dam (Boric´2011Boric´Boric´2011: 159; Boroneant¸2000Boroneant¸Boroneant¸2000: 11-15; Radovanovic´1996Radovanovic´Radovanovic´1996: 3-8). This, in tandem with a controversy about the dating of the key site of Lepenski Vir (Boric´1999Boric´Boric´1999, 2002a) as well as the slow pace of the publishing of the primary data from the 1960s-1980s excavations in this region, left this rich corpus of archaeological data undeservedly on the margins of archaeological discussions about the character and tempo of the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition in Europe. This research context signifi- cantly changed in the mid-1990s with a fresh synthesis of the available evidence by I. Radovanovic´(Radovanovic´Radovanovic´(1996), new absolute dating of the rich corpus of mortuary remains coupled with stable isotope analyses (Bonsall et al. 1997), and the reexamination of collections with human osteological and faunal remains along with other material remains (Antonovic´2006Antonovic´Antonovic´2006; Boric´1999Boric´Boric´1999, 2002a; BoricándBoricánd Dimitrijevic´2007Dimitrijevic´Dimitrijevic´2007; Roksandic´2000Roksandic´Roksandic´2000; StefanovicándStefanovicánd Boric´2008Boric´Boric´2008). In addition, new field research was undertaken in the early 1990s at the only site at the time still available for continuing research after the rise of the Danube-Schela Cladovei, (FIG. 1) on the Romanian side of the river (Bonsall 2008;Boroneant¸etBoroneant¸Boroneant¸et al. ...

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... Among the formal tools recovered in excavations at Vlasac were a small number of trapezes which have been attributed to Late Mesolithic occupation of the site (Borić et al. 2014;Borić and Gri ths 2015). However, there is no general 'blade and trapeze' horizon in the Iron Gates Mesolithic equivalent to that in the eastern Adriatic. ...
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Plants and plant-based foods played a crucial role in human evolution, and the interaction between plants and humans is a highly debated topic in archaeology. Ground stone tools are considered particularly valuable evidence due to their direct involvement in various plant processing tasks. This paper investigates the use of sandstone ground stone tools coming from the site of Vlasac in the Danube Gorges region, used in plant processing tasks, providing clues about the exploitation of vegetal resources during the Mesolithic of the region. Applying a novel approach based on the combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, including optical microscopy, 3D surface texture analysis, and spatial analysis, we explore the use of ground stone tools in plant processing at the site. Our results highlight the existence of a specific plant-food processing technology in the area of the Danube Gorges during the eight millennium cal BC, alongside the familiarity of these Mesolithic foragers with the consumption of wild plants, long before the introduction of agriculture in this region.
... The length of such tools was usually be tween 8-10cm, and they were most likely used in wo odworking. In addition, chisel-like artefacts with a similar trimmed fan-shaped, flat, or circular working edge, were also made from red deer antler and wild boar (Sus scrofa) tusks (Srejoviae, Letica 1978;Boriae et al. 2014;Cristiani, Boriae 2021). The fragmented artefact from Pešterija was made from different raw material (i.e. from a long bone of a ruminant smaller than aurochs), but the similarity in the manufacture and the shape of the working edge suggests that it could have also been used as some sort of chisel. ...
... The production of ornaments (most likely garment appliqués) included the extraction of teeth from the pharyngeal bone, drilling through or gro oving at the tooth neck to enable fastening and suspension by sinew threads and binding organic compounds (Rigaud 2011;Cristiani, Boriae 2012;Cristiani et al. 2014b;Rigaud et al. 2014;Mãrgãrit et al. 2018b). Vyrezub teeth modified in such a manner have been discovered in Late Mesolithic burial and occu pational contexts in the Upper Danube region in Ger many (Probst fels, Falkensteinhöhle, Burghöhle von Dietfurt, Hohlenstein-Stadel) (Rigaud 2011;Grünberg 2013), in the Iron Gates (Lepenski Vir, Vlasac, Ico ana, Schela Cladovei, Kula) (Srejoviae, Letica 1978;Radovanoviae 1996b;Boriae 2003;Boriae et al. 2014;Boriae, Cristiani 2016;ivaljeviae 2017;ivaljeviae et al. 2017b;Mãrgãrit et al. 2018a), in the Crimea (Shan-Koba, Zamil-Koba I) (Kraynov 1938;Bibikov et al. 1994) and material (Gurova et al. 2022). The use of this material carried not only economic significance, but also social importance, indicating social openness (Mi hai loviae 2007b). ...
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Despite extensive research and excavations across the central Balkans, Early Holocene sites have so far been documented only in the Iron Gates region – for which there are several possible explanations. Some scholars argue that the apparent lack of Mesolithic sites is due to inadequate research efforts in the region, while others suggest that the ecological conditions in the central Balkans during the Early Holocene may not have been favourable to the subsistence of hunter-gatherer communities. Contrary to previous beliefs, recent investigations of caves in eastern Serbia have revealed that humans inhabited the region during the Mesolithic. Traces of settlement of Mesolithic groups, dating back to the 7th millennium cal BC and employing comparable technology and economic practices to Mesolithic communities in other parts of the Balkan Peninsula, have been documented at the Pešterija Cave, situated south of Pirot in southeastern Serbia. The fact that the site is located relatively close to the oldest Neolithic sites in the Iron Gates and northwest Bulgaria, and is potentially contemporaneous with them, offers a completely new perspective on the transition from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic in this part of the Balkans.
... Further north, the karstic areas of Montenegro have also yielded several Mesolithic sites, covering both the earlier and later parts of this period (e.g., Mihailović 2004;Mercier et al. 2017). Last but not least, the Iron gates, at the border between modern-day Serbia and Romania, present the highest density of Mesolithic sites in the area, with iconic locations such as Lepenski Vir and Vlasac (e.g., Borić et al. 2014, Bonsall & Boroneanţ 2018. ...
Chapter
The strategic geographical position of the Balkan Peninsula, at the crossroads between southwest Asia and central and western Europe, make of this territory a key area for understanding the different human migrations into Europe during the Pleistocene. This long-time neglected area for the Palaeolithic research, last years has experienced a ‘blossoming’ in terms of research projects and key discoveries. Only in the past decade, sites from the Balkan Peninsula have yielded, for instance, the oldest anatomically modern human occupations in Europe, the first human remains of our species in the continent, the first confirmation of interbreeding between ‘us’ and Neanderthals and evidence of Palaeolithic rock art, a phenomenon traditionally restricted to South-western Europe. This volume provides a comprehensive overview of the previous data and new discoveries, addressed by an international list of contributors among the most renowned scholars developing archaeological researches in this territory. It summarises the state of the art for the Early Prehistory Archaeology of one of the most important emerging territories for the discipline.
... Further north, the karstic areas of Montenegro have also yielded several Mesolithic sites, covering both the earlier and later parts of this period (e.g., Mihailović 2004;Mercier et al. 2017). Last but not least, the Iron gates, at the border between modern-day Serbia and Romania, present the highest density of Mesolithic sites in the area, with iconic locations such as Lepenski Vir and Vlasac (e.g., Borić et al. 2014, Bonsall & Boroneanţ 2018. ...
Chapter
The early Holocene in the Balkans is synonymous with extensive transformations of both environments and human societies. The new climatic conditions indeed led to a spatial expansion of thermophilous (warmth-loving) plant and animal species that were previously confined to refugial areas, eventually reshaping the local biomes, while glacial species disappeared from the region. These processes were paralleled by profound transformations in the distribution of the foraging populations, the existing yet sparse documentation suggesting clustering in specific ecological niches (e.g. Iron Gates, shores of the Adriatic coast). It is upon this template that, towards the second half of the 9th millennium cal BP, cultigens and animal domesticates appear in the local archaeological record, apparently under the impetus of an incoming population of eventual Near Eastern origins, as suggested by recent ancient DNA (‘aDNA’) research. This contribution will review the available environmental and archaeological evidence for the early Holocene, focusing on the extent to which ecological factors drove variation in human behaviours, especially food acquisition techniques (either foraging or farming). Particular attention will also be devoted to the identification and characterisation of population history as inferred from multiple categories of evidence, such as the 14C record, settlement patterns, aDNA.
... S9-S10). A sequence of overlapping burials with cremations, resembling the multi-inhumation pits encountered at the periphery of Lepenski Vir, has been documented at the nearby site of Vlasac, dating to the 7th-6th millennia BC, suggesting continuation of a Late Mesolithic practice in the Neolithic period (Borić et al., 2014). ...
... Ellipses generated with stat-ellipse (assuming a multivariate t-distribution) from the ggplot2 R library. Based on previously reported 14 C dates and stable isotope values (full references in Electronic Supplementary Material 1) example, descendants of Aegean farmers were more likely to bury their dead than Iron Gates HGs, who sometimes practised cremation (Borić et al., 2014;Borić, 2016, p. 260). There could have been fugitive architecture elsewhere with two styles of community present that the original excavation might not have revealed. ...
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It is now widely accepted that agriculture and settled village life arrived in Europe as a cultural package, carried by people migrating from Anatolia and the Aegean Basin. The putative fisher-forager site of Lepenski Vir in Serbia has long been acknowledged as an exception to this model. Here, the Mesolithic–Neolithic transition—possibly inspired by interaction with the new arrivals—was thought to have taken place autochthonously on site. Our reinterpretation, based on ancient genomes, as well as archaeological and isotopic evidence, indicates that here, too, house construction, early village society and agriculture were primarily associated with Europe’s first farmers, thus challenging the long-held view of Lepenski Vir as a Mesolithic community that adopted Neolithic practices. Although aspects of the site's occupation, such as the trapezoidal houses, were inspired by local Mesolithic traditions, it is far from certain that the village was founded by Iron Gates foragers. A detailed timeline of population changes at the site suggests that Aegean incomers did not simply integrate into an established Mesolithic society, but rather founded new lineages and households. Iron Gates foragers and their admixed descendants largely appear to have been buried separately, on the fringes of the settlement. The diet of those buried outside in pits shows no major shift from aquatic to terrestrial food resources.
... The level of gene flow with neighboring groups remains unknown. But the rather high pairwise diversity observed among the Danube Gorges individuals compared to, for instance, individuals from Central Europe, as well as the elevated heterozygosity of at least some Danube Gorges individuals is indicative of a relatively large and well connected population, an interpretation well in line with the richness of archaeological finds from this period (Borić and Stefanović, 2004;Borić et al., 2014;Borić, 2016Borić, , 2021. The difference in diversity appears particularly stark when compared to the genomic data from Criewen (GR2), the most recently dated Central European individual with 100% Meso-European-like ancestry, or the Baltic site of Zvejnieki. ...
... Only in Lepenski Vir and possibly in Padina does the interaction take place at the same site -perhaps even into the Neolithic period. However, the Vlasac site was possibly no longer used as a settlement during the Transformation period, but only as an ancestral burial site by people with Meso European-like ancestry (Borić et al., 2014). ...
... The site was assigned to the Lepenski Vir culture and is mostly dated to Late Mesolithic, while there are dates as old as 9,800 cal BC known from the site (Bonsall et al., 2000;Borić and Stefanović, 2004;Borić, French and Dimitrijević, 2008). Additionally, new excavations (during seasons [2006][2007][2008][2009] showed that there was also an occupation parallel to the Transformation phase of Lepenski Vir with appearance of features influenced by the Neolithic (Early Starčevo ceramics, Spondylus shells and discoid beads) (Borić et al., 2014). Most of the settlement was abandoned . ...
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While early Neolithic populations in Europe were largely descended from early Aegean farmers, there is also evidence of episodic gene flow from local Mesolithic hunter-gatherers into early Neolithic communities. Exactly how and where this occurred is still unknown. Here we report direct evidence for admixture between the two groups at the Danube Gorges in Serbia. Analysis of palaeogenomes recovered from skeletons revealed that second-generation mixed individuals were buried amidst individuals whose ancestry was either exclusively Aegean Neolithic or exclusively local Mesolithic. The mixed ancestry is also reflected in a corresponding mosaic of grave goods. With its deep sequence of occupation and its unique dwellings that suggest at least semi-sedentary occupation since the late Mesolithic, the area of the Danube Gorges has been at the center of the debate about the contribution of Mesolithic societies to the Neolithisation of Europe. As suggested by our data, which were processed exclusively with uncertainty-aware bioinformatic tools, it may have been precisely in such contexts that close interactions between these societies were established, and Mesolithic ancestry and cultural elements were assimilated.
... S9-S10). A sequence of overlapping burials with cremations, resembling the multi-inhumation pits encountered at the periphery of Lepenski Vir, has been documented at the nearby site of Vlasac, dating to the 7th-6th millennia BC, suggesting continuation of a Late Mesolithic practice in the Neolithic period (Borić et al., 2014). ...
... Ellipses generated with stat-ellipse (assuming a multivariate t-distribution) from the ggplot2 R library. Based on previously reported 14 C dates and stable isotope values (full references in Electronic Supplementary Material 1) example, descendants of Aegean farmers were more likely to bury their dead than Iron Gates HGs, who sometimes practised cremation (Borić et al., 2014;Borić, 2016, p. 260). There could have been fugitive architecture elsewhere with two styles of community present that the original excavation might not have revealed. ...
Preprint
Today, it is widely accepted that agriculture and settled village life arrived in Europe as a cultural package, carried by people migrating from Anatolia and the Aegean Basin. The putative fisher-forager site of Lepenski Vir in Serbia has long been acknowledged as an exception to this model. Here, the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition - possibly inspired by interaction with the new arrivals - was thought to have taken place autochthonously on site. Our reinterpretation, based on ancient genomes, as well as archaeological and isotopic evidence, revisits this conclusion, indicating that here too, house construction, early village society and agriculture were primarily associated with Europe's first farmers, thus challenging the long-held interpretation of Lepenski Vir as a Mesolithic community that adopted Neolithic practices. A detailed timeline of population changes at the site suggests that Aegean incomers did not simply integrate into an established Mesolithic society, rather founded new lineages and households. Iron Gates foragers and their admixed descendants appear to have been buried largely separately, on the fringes of the settlement, their diet showing no major shift from aquatic to terrestrial food resources.
... All methods were carried out in accordance with relevant guidelines and regulations and all experimental protocols were approved by the NYU College of Dentistry. The Late Mesolithic (burial H326/7, ca 50 years old, Vlasac, Serbia [31]) and Early Neolithic (burial 6/A2309, Ajmana, Serbia [30,32]) specimens were known to be females through previously performed DNA analysis [28]. The Neanderthal specimens from Krapina had previously been studied by Wolpoff [29], who estimated their ages at death based on dental wear. ...
... Estimates based on wear are from Wolpoff[29] for the Neanderthal specimens, Borić & Price[30] for the Neolithic individual and from Borić et al.[31] for the Mesolithic one. ARF and ARM = contemporary specimens with known life history.Sex was estimated via DNA analysis[28]. ...
Article
Full-text available
The evolution of modern human reproductive scheduling is an aspect of our life history that remains vastly uncomprehended. The present work aims to address this gap by validating a non-destructive cutting-edge methodology to infer adult life history events on modern teeth with known life history and then applying it to fossil specimens. We use phase-contrast synchrotron X-ray microtomography to visualize the dental cementum of 21 specimens: nine contemporary humans; ten Neanderthals from Krapina (Croatia, 130-120 ky); one Neolithic H. sapiens from Ajmana (Serbia); and one Mesolithic H. sapiens from Vlasac (Serbia). We were able to correctly detect and time (root mean square error = 2.1 years; R2=0.98) all reproductive (menarche, parturition, menopause) and other physiologically impactful events in the modern sample. Nonetheless, we could not distinguish between the causes of the events detected. For the fossil specimens we estimated age at death and age at occurrence of biologically significant events. Finally, we performed an exploratory analysis regarding possible sexual dimorphism in dental cementum microstructure, which allowed us to correctly infer the sex of the Neolithic specimen, for which the true value was known via DNA analysis.
... The first studies of Mesolithic faunal assemblages from the Iron Gates region were published several decades ago (Bokonyi 1970(Bokonyi , 1978Bolomey 1973aBolomey , 1973bClason 1980). Some collections were revisited recently (Dimitrijevic 2008 AMS 14C dates obtained for animal and human remains since the 1990s indicate that Middle Mesolithic occupations occurred at Ostrovul Corbului (Bonsall, Boroneant 2018), Ostrovul Banului and Razvrata in Romania (unpublished data, forthcoming) and Padina, Lepenski Vir and Vlasac in Serbia (Boric 2011;Boric et alii 2014). But the main problem when studying the older faunal collections from these sites and comparing the results to the more recent excavations is the apparent mismatch between the old relative (stratigraphy-based) chronologies and the more recent absolute chronologies. ...
Article
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Located in southwestern Romania in the Iron Gates Gorges, Icoana was among the sites submerged foiiowing the building of the Iron Gates I dam and hydro-power station. Eight trenches were excavated with a total area of 91m2 and a maximum depth ofca. 3 m between 1967 and 1969. According to the AMS 14C dates, Icoana saw two occupations, one between ca. 8500-7600 cal BC during the Middle Mesolithic and the second during the Final Mesolithic ('Mesolithic-Neolithic Transformation Phase' of some authors, ca. 6200-5900 cal BC). In this paper, we present a revision of the Middle Mesolithic faunal remains from Icoana based on the existing collection curated at the 'Vasile Pârvan' Institute of Archaeology in Bucharest.