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Map of all US Refugee Resettlement Sites 2012-2015 By Municipality. See the online article for the color version of this figure.

Map of all US Refugee Resettlement Sites 2012-2015 By Municipality. See the online article for the color version of this figure.

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Article
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Refugee resettlement in the United States has followed other immigrant settlement patterns in the country, with more refugees in recent decades moving to newer locations, including many smaller cities. There are many success stories in such placements, yet many challenges and questions still remain regarding the integration and acculturation of new...

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Context 1
... such controversies, the resettlement of refugees in Vermont has been embraced by the general public as seen in the results of this opinion poll conducted between 2015 and 2017 by the author with a representative sample of households across the state and in the midst of a polarizing national election campaign (Figure 2). ...

Citations

... As a result of its implementation, the number of refugees that were resettled in the country went down from more than 207,000 in 1980 to only 61,000 in 1983 (Nagel, 2016). The Act established the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP), a public-private partnership, in which the U.S. government screens and selects refugees overseas and work together with a group of non-governmental national resettlement agencies that place them in various locations across the country through their networks of communitybased resettlement programs and agencies (Bose, 2018;Kerwin & Nicholson, 2021). Refugees seeking admission into the U.S. are processed through several government departments including the Department of Homeland Security's U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), the Department of State's Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration (PRM), and the Department of Health and Human Services' Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR). ...
... Benefits and longer-term services for refugees are coordinated by ORR in conjunction with the states and resettlement agencies. This includes up to eight months of direct financial assistance to refugees and access to services such as language training, job search and medical care (Bose, 2018). ...
... Resettlement agencies that assist refugees are primarily led by faith-based, secular and ethnic or identity-based organizations (Bose, 2018). They are reimbursed by ORR based on the number of refugees which they serve, and the policies of the Trump administration posed an existential crisis to their operations. ...
Article
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The practice of refugee resettlement in the United States has been altered significantly by the policies of the Trump administration, which were driven by white nationalist and neoliberal ideologies that view refugees as a burden to the state’s welfare system and pose a security threat to the country’s citizens. Using the case of refugee resettlement agencies that serve refugees from Somalia in the Midwestern cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul in Minnesota and Garden City in Kansas, the paper seeks to understand how refugee resettlement agencies have been affected by, and responded to the challenges posed by the policies of the Trump administration. The paper argues that the policies have created a hostile environment within which to resettle refugees, with devastating impacts on refugee resettlement into the local communities. With their survival under threat, refugee resettlement agencies have turned to local communities for support in order to survive the challenging times.
... Globally among the top resettlement countries, the United States is alone in its reliance on volags to determine refugee placement; that is, selection of the states and cities in which refugees will settle upon arrival (Van Selm, 2003;Yan, 2006). There is an active network of nine major volags in the United States, and although the United States takes pride in its separation of church and state, most of the major refugee resettlement agencies are religiously affiliated (Bose, 2018;Ives et al., 2010), which is explicit given their names (ORR, 2012b). Historically, religious organizations have been at the forefront of refugee advocacy and resettlement even before World War II (Bose, 2018;Eby et al., 2010;Ives et al., 2010;Tempo, 2008). ...
... There is an active network of nine major volags in the United States, and although the United States takes pride in its separation of church and state, most of the major refugee resettlement agencies are religiously affiliated (Bose, 2018;Ives et al., 2010), which is explicit given their names (ORR, 2012b). Historically, religious organizations have been at the forefront of refugee advocacy and resettlement even before World War II (Bose, 2018;Eby et al., 2010;Ives et al., 2010;Tempo, 2008). This article reveals how despite the lengthy experience of resettlement, the services volags provide mostly remain out of the public policy debate or privatization debate and, therefore, have remained beyond public or academic scrutiny. ...
... Although meant for refugee students enrolled in public schools, the main beneficiaries of the Refugee School Impact Grant are the volags and individual states (ORR, 2012a). As both entities lack the context and resources to meet the varied and specialized needs of the refugee populations, they subcontract with local or community-based organizations to provide related services (Bose, 2018). Subcontracting adds additional layers between the funding source (i.e., the federal government) and the beneficiaries of services (i.e., the refugees). ...
Article
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Since the Second World War, the U.S. government has largely if not entirely ceded control of refugee resettlement and all associated social services to the private sector. Here we draw on the metaphor of the hollow state to synthesize the existing research on refugee students' academic supports both inside and outside of public schools to illustrate how the complexities of the refugee resettlement structure in the United States affects refugee children's long-term educational and social integration. We draw on two major hallmarks of the hollow state: the degree of separation of funds and joint production of services. Specifically, we show how entrusting the delivery of public goods (i.e., refugee student services) to the hollow state results in instability and uncertainty of service provision, lack of accountability and oversight, and little if any quality control for services and programs. We argue for a shift in federal policy to improve provision of services and introduce more governmental oversight. Ultimately, our findings suggest an alarming need for impartial scholarly assessment of refugees' educational programs both on the national level and globally where private sector's involvement in refugee services has increased dramatically. We conclude with recommendations for future research and policy.
... As such, everyday mobility realized as (daily or weekly) commuting to the workplace, or as city excursions to buy culturally appropriate food like bread or halal meat, or participate in religious feasts or visit friends and relatives (cf. Curry et al. 2017;Bock 2018;Bose 2018;Suter 2019), serves two interrelated aims: Firstly, it allows refugee newcomers to take "temporary breaks elsewhere" (Lynnebakke 2020: 19) and may, secondly, enable them to continue to live in rural areas -either voluntarily, or in order to abide by the residence rule. Translocal living arrangements, however, may counteract geographic restrictions or the obligation to register at one address, but can be seen as meaningful practices of resistance, revealing forced migrants' own agency (BBSR 2017; Zalewski 2017; Täubig 2019; for translocal geographies, see Brickell & Datta 2011;Hedberg & do Carmo 2012). ...
... To make it harder to trace the participants, transcripts were not released in full. Instead, like other scholars who have worked in rural or small town contexts such asBose (2016Bose ( , 2018,Haug et al. (2017),Woods (2018) orStachowski (2020b, cf. Krause 2016, Akesson et al. 2018 or von Unger 2018), we published only short quotes making use of pseudonyms for persons56 The interviewers' youth fostered participants' curiosity about their personal backgrounds and thus facilitated many conversations (#4 JRS; cf.Doná 2007). ...
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In the last decade, Germany has become the European country hosting the greatest number of forced migrants in absolute terms. Due to a dispersal policy and a residence rule, asylum seekers, recognized and resettled refugees must increasingly be considered also a rural phenomenon. Against this backdrop, the study aimed to better understand the onward (im)mobilities and integration processes of these ‘refugee newcomers’, focusing on rural specificities in terms of settlement and integration. Drawing on an interdisciplinary multi-method approach and a case study in rural Bavaria, Germany, this cumulative PhD thesis analyzed three aspects: first, the discursive framing of refugee settlement processes in rural areas; second, the residential and everyday (im)mobilities of refugee newcomers in these regions; and, third, characteristics of mechanisms of socio-spatial exclusion and inclusion of forced migrants in terms of everyday mobility and access to rural housing.
... 2 Existing formal institutional structures often ignore the specific needs faced by refugee communities. 3 Refugee-led community organizations (RCOs) play a critical role in reaching refugee communities and helping them in their resettlement process because they are grounded in the volunteer work of resettled refugees themselves. 4 Our experience working with RCOs during the pandemic highlighted the indispensable role they play in providing a protective effect during the pandemic by helping refugee communities weather pandemic-related shocks, navigate the public benefits systems, access reliable healthcare information through culturally and linguistically appropriate means, and advocate for health security. ...
... Formal refugee resettlement in smaller cities and suburban towns is a relatively recent endeavor 31,32 and has occurred in tandem with refugees' secondary migration and self-settlement in rural locations for steadier employment, access to welfare benefits, lower cost of living, more peaceful and familiar environments, and increased opportunities to connect with both ethnic and host communities. [32][33][34] Despite increasing urban to rural migration among refugees over the past 3 decades, this is a largely underacknowledged phenomenon. ...
... Given requirements associated with the United States resettlement program, gaining employment and becoming proficient in English are priorities to ensure financial stability. Although an adjustment period may be expected of any immigrant group, it is noteworthy that the conditions and time frame of the resettlement process in the United States provide few opportunities for relationship building -either during the initial resettlement period or afterwards (Bose, 2018). This represents a more pressing issue since creating strong and lasting social relationships benefits acculturative transition, physical and mental health (Beirens et al., 2007;Berry et al., 1987;Li et al., 2015;Yu & Berryman, 1996). ...
Article
One important, yet understudied aspect of refugees’ resettlement experience is social participation. How are new social relationships created and maintained during the transition to the United States? This exploratory study examines social participation among a sample of recently resettled refugees. Twenty face-to-face interviews were conducted with Iraqi and Syrian refugees in a Connecticut resettlement community. Primary social activities included attending small family gatherings and worship services. Several constraints emerged, including the transition to American life, little leisure time (i.e., time scarcity), maintaining dual time schedules, and varying levels of social network connections as central barriers to more active social participation. Overall, findings indicate that having less unstructured, leisure time results in lower levels of social participation, and fewer friendships. Within-group differences find that some participants report feeling more socially isolated, and generally less supported, compared to others (e.g., women and single men). This research suggests that a lack of leisure time and limited social networks may hinder or delay relationship formation and community building, and should be explored further.
... This is not surprising; immigration is, after all, one of the most contentious, charged and defining issues of our current age. And in Vermont, refugees are the main face of immigration-other than a small population of migrant farmworkers helping to sustain the dairy industry in rural areas-refugees represent the kinds of migration-related demographic change that are so visible in other parts of the country (Bose 2018). Vermont is unlike many other places in the US. ...
... Even in the face of the attacks on the USRAP at the national level and by a multitude of political commentators, within Vermont the resettlement program has been identified as a priority by the state and by multiple municipal governments. Yet a backlash against refugees exists even in this politically progressive state, as seen most notably in the controversies that erupted in 2016 when a new resettlement site was proposed in Rutland, its third largest town (Bose 2018). White nationalist and identitarian groups have repeatedly targeted refugees in their propaganda efforts in Vermont as undesirable and unwelcome. ...
Article
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What does it mean to conduct community-based and praxis-oriented research at a time when those whose lives you study and with whom you work are the subjects of increasing levels of xenophobia, marginalization, and demonization? How does one conceive of research ethics, of the relationship between the roles of scholars, teachers, and citizens in light of such dynamics? In what ways can scholarship help to intervene in the world around us, in particular to improve the perception and amplify the voices of marginalized groups and individuals? This paper considers these issues in the context of research ethics and the growing field of community geography. I draw in particular on an example from a multi-year study of refugee resettlement in non-traditional destinations across the US. When the study began, refugee policies and settlement patterns were little known to the general public in the US. Since then, refugees and migration more broadly have become increasingly prominent and controversial worldwide. In this paper I explore some of the challenges regarding collaborations between university researchers and community partners, highlighting the tensions exposed through the use of the visualization technique known as Photovoice, meant to provide alternative perspectives on ideas for urban change amongst participants. I also consider some ideas for steps to address these challenges, including the building of networks and training for researchers and formalized partnership processes for community groups.
... Weaponizing crisis rhetoric to stoke societal conflicts, populist strongmen position themselves as the public's champion uniquely equipped to address their concerns (Curato, 2017). Scholars have examined various public motivations for supporting or opposing populist leaders and their policies worldwide, with implications for reimagining and fostering robust democratic practices sensitive to these concerns (Bose, 2018;Kinnvall, 2018;. In this view, political and peace psychologists have pinned down anger and fear as the emotional bases of public support for populist leaders (Salmela & von Scheve, 2017). ...
Article
Extensive studies link anger, fear, and support for populist leaders, but prevailing approaches largely assume an individual model of emotion. In this exploratory short report, we invoke a structurally sensitive social psychological account of the group-based and power-laden dynamics of populist emotion. Analyzing a stratified sample of Philippine respondents, we investigate how anger and fear interact with memberships in low- and high-power classed and regional groups in predicting support for populist President Rodrigo Duterte and various policies of his regime. Lower levels of regional and classed power intensified the association between emotions and populist support. Power-laden complications were also detected on the policy level. We discuss the implications of this work in terms of contextualizing political emotions within local configurations of unequal intergroup relations.
... Refugees selected for the United States resettlement program do not have a choice in where they will live (Mott, 2010); resettlement has typically occurred in urban areas in which local refugee resettlement agencies arrange short-term housing as well as monetary, employment, and medical assistance (Marks, 2014; United States Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Office of Refugee Resettlement, 2015). Although refugees traditionally arrived in large United States cities, there has been a greater focus in the past three decades to resettle refugees in smaller cities and suburban towns (Bose, 2018). New formal resettlement patterns have been coupled with secondary migration of refugees to rural destinations. ...
Article
Background. Perceived social support has been correlated with refugees’ positive mental health outcomes; yet, little is known about the perceived sources of support after secondary migration to new-destination rural towns. Methods. Somali refugee men (n = 49) residing in a rural Midwest U.S. community were recruited using respondent-driven sampling (RDS) to complete a self-administered structured survey in English or Somali using audio computer-assisted self-interview (ACASI) software. Questions assessed perceived sources of support, psychological distress, and happiness. Results. Somali participants reported low utilization of both informal (30.4%) and formal (24.4%) supports when sad, stressed, or worried. Two-thirds of participants reported low levels of distress and 98% reported being happy or very happy. Discussion. This exploratory research contributes to understandings of Somali men’s perceived support in a post-secondary migration setting. We discuss implications for social support interventions and culturally-tailored assessment, diagnoses, and treatment to enhance Somalis’ support and psychological wellbeing.
... Yet the initial response to the Syrian crisis in the US as elsewhere was different -there was an embrace of the refugees and a planned expansion of resettlement sites (Bose, 2018). The crucial turning point identified by many scholar and practitioners within the global refugee regime -from one of concern to one of fear -occurred in November 2015, with the mass killing of civilians in Paris by terrorists pledging allegiance to ISIS and explicitly referencing Syria (Nail 2016). ...
Article
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The world is today in the grip of the worst forced migration crisis since the end of the Second World War, with tens of millions driven from their homes by conflict. Yet the global system meant to provide protection to the displaced continues to privilege the interests of nation-states rather than those of refugees and has resulted in less willingness by many countries to accept refugees for resettlement. The arrival – actual or potential – of large numbers of refugees and asylum seekers continues to spur a backlash against them, fuelled by fears of security threats, economic costs, and a lack of integration of newcomers. This situation has combined with xenophobia, racism, and broader cultural anxieties and led to a rising tide of nativist populism and even less welcome for those seeking sanctuary. Whereas by the late 1990 s the dominant logic governing refugee protections – at least in name if not in practice – was centred on multilateralism and humanitarian obligations, today there is a more explicit prominence of national interests in refugee policies. In this paper I argue that the continued dominance of nation-state centric priorities is indicative of the fragility of the global refugee regime. I use the example of Canadian and US responses to the Syrian refugee crisis and interviews with officials in each country to illustrate the primacy of national interests rather than international agreements and norms. The US chose to limit and eventually bar most Syrians from resettlement whereas Canada chose to accept a large number over a short period of time. I argue that both cases reveal similar patterns and logics, if not outcomes and an increasing alignment between border controls and immigration policy. I consider what this means for the future of refugee resettlement in North America and for the global refugee regime more broadly.