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Abstract In this paper, based on qualitative research on the North African second-generation in Paris and the Turkish second-generation in Berlin, we discuss ethnic minorities’ attachment to place and how living in highly diverse cities shape their perceptions and experiences of marginalization and belonging. Even though France and Germany have dif...
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... those in diverse neighborhoods such as Wedding, Neukölln and Kreuzberg (cf. Fig. 1), we observe a high practical and symbolic use of the neighborhood. Respondents use the neighborhood for their daily needs and in their free time, but also symbolically, for identification. These inner-city neighborhoods contain many third places (Oldenburg, 1997) where locals can regularly meet and interact. These casual, spontan- ...
Context 2
... those in diverse neighborhoods such as Wedding, Neukölln and Kreuzberg (cf. Fig. 1), we observe a high practical and symbolic use of the neighborhood. Respondents use the neighborhood for their daily needs and in their free time, but also symbolically, for identification. These inner-city neighborhoods contain many third places (Oldenburg, 1997) where locals can regularly meet and interact. These casual, spontan- ...
Citations
... This is a particularly urgent consideration for migrants, immigrants, and their descendants (referred to from here on simply as immigrants) 1 in cities, particularly racialized immigrants from the Global South. Such communities often face specific linguistic, cultural, social, and economic barriers to accessing and participating in urban food systems as well as systemic discrimination and racism in Global North contexts (Barwick and Beaman 2019;Hellgren 2019;Hellgren and Bereményi 2022;Polasub et al. 2023;Silverstein 2005). Additionally, although immigrants make up large shares of the labour force that feeds cities, their existing contributions to a sustainable food system often go unrecognized (Fitting et al. 2023;Gibb and Wittman 2013;Huang 2020). ...
... On the other, they remain anchored in post-colonial or settler-colonial contexts where inflammatory public rhetoric and hardline immigration policy chafe against demographic incentives to attract migrant labour (Huot et al. 2016;Joassart-Marcelli 2021;Polasub et al. 2023). Despite the promises of equality, immigrants in Global North cities often experience discrimination and inequalities related to race/ethnicity, culture, gender, class, citizenship, and language proficiency, which manifest in unequal outcomes related to health, labour, housing, education, transportation, and food security (Barwick and Beaman 2019;Dou et al. 2022;Hammelman 2018;Hellgren 2019;MacGregor et al. 2019;Mares 2012;Safi 2010;Sharareh et al. 2023;Zick et al. 2008). These inequalities are even higher for undocumented immigrants who may lack access to state services and the job market (Carney 2014). ...
Multicultural cities in the Global North are rapidly developing and releasing urban food policies that outline municipal visions of sustainable food systems. In turn, these policies shape conceptions of food citizenship in the city. While these policies largely absorb activities previously associated with “alternative” food systems, little is known about how they respond to critical food and race scholars who have noted that these food practices and spaces have historically marginalized immigrants. A critical discourse analysis of 22 urban food policies from Global North cities reveals that most policies do not meaningfully consider immigrant foodscapes, foodways, and food-related labour. Many promote hegemonic and/or ethno-nationalistic understandings of “healthy” and “sustainable” food without recognizing immigrants’ food-related knowledge and skills. Policies largely fail to connect the topic of immigrant labour with goals like shortening supply chains, subject immigrant neighbourhoods to stigmatizing health discourses, and lack acknowledgement of the barriers immigrants may face to participating in sustainable food systems. Relatedly, policy discourses articulate forms of food citizenship that emphasize individual obligations over rights related to food. This jeopardizes the potential for immigrants to be seen as belonging to dominant political urban food communities and benefitting from the symbolic and material rewards associated with them.
... Within the scope of this study, the bifocal lens of neighbourhood and national belonging allows for a nuanced evaluation of protective factors at different social scales. Specifically, neighbourhood belonging offers insights into immediate, localised social structures, which can be sources of direct social support and community resilience (Barwick & Beaman, 2019). Conversely, national belonging enables a broader exploration into how alignment with a larger societal construct can act as a protective factor (Wu & Finnsdottir, 2021). ...
Since the outbreak of COVID-19, more incidents of anti-Asian racism have been reported in Europe. Asians in Germany have been directly and indirectly exposed to racism, with potential implications for their well-being and sense of belonging. This study aimed to explore racism experiences among Korean residents in Germany since the outset of the pandemic. It also examines how racism is associated with their life satisfaction and sense of belonging to the host society. Our online survey of 552 Koreans residing in Germany shows that since the beginning of the pandemic nearly 80% of them experienced direct and/or indirect racism mainly in public places, public transportation, social media, and mainstream media. Women, younger people, and temporary visa-holders were more likely to experience racism than other groups. While the experience(s) of racism was associated with lower life satisfaction, a stronger sense of belonging to local communities and German society as a whole appeared to alleviate the negative effect of the racism experience. This study shows the pervasiveness of anti-Asian racism in Germany, and thus urges German society and local communities to commit to creating inclusive and diverse environments alongside anti-racism efforts.
... It has been argued that the multifaceted experiences and multi-layered belongings of such youth are yet to be explored, given their growing demographic presence in different national contexts (Andall 2002;Hawthorne 2022). While there have been pioneering works at the intersection of music and urban spaces (DeNora 2000;Kubrin 2005;Martiniello and Lafleur 2008;Roy and Dowd 2010), on 'second-generation' and their constructions of belonging (Andall 2002;Barwick and Beaman 2019;Colombo and Rebughini 2012;Hawthorne 2022;Kyei, Koomson-Yalley, and Dwumah 2022;Levitt 2009;Somerville 2008), on rap/hip-hop and self-expression of racialized youth (Cuzzocrea and Benasso 2020;Frisina and Kyeremeh 2022;Grassi and Sánchez-García 2021;Magaraggia 2022), so far there have been limited efforts to bridge these overlapping dimensions to investigate complex forms of belonging developed by children of immigrants living expressed through urban musical subcultures. As such, the article seeks to contribute to the existing literature by analyzing the translocational construction of identity by marginalized postmigrant youth through an investigation of a musical subculture associated with peripheral landscapes. ...
... Notwithstanding their marginalization, urban peripheries often marked by superdiversity (Vertovec 2022) host everyday practices of multiculturalism, as 'micro-publics of compulsory intercultural negotiation' (Harris 2009, 191) in which postmigrant youth undertake an active role in. Hence, children of immigrants often become more 'native' in European metropolises as active agents compared to their non-migrant counterparts, and thus, tend to develop an elevated sense of belonging to the city at the neighborhood level where the locality is imperative for identity-building, as opposed to national belonging or allegiance to the state (Barwick and Beaman 2019). ...
... The artistic work of Seven7oo in this context provides a sense of belonging and a source of pride for the postmigrant generation in the neighborhood, as vividly exemplified in a photographic exhibition where middle school kids describe themselves on top of their portraits taken in places of their choosing by a professional photographer. Echoing insights provided by Barwick and Beaman (2019) that local forms of belonging are essential for postmigrant youth, a young boy from a different ethnic background expresses his attachment to the neighborhood stating 'I live in this neighborhood, and I love it a lot. I have my friends and family here. ...
... She wishes to be accepted among the host community but feels rejected. This might result in the kind of '(re-)ethnicization' identified by Skrobanek (2009, p. 535) in relation to Turks in Germany and associated with perceived discrimination of second -or third -generation Turk immigrants noted by Berek (2018), and Barwick and Beaman (2019). ...
This article discusses the challenges of participation of the first-generation Christian – Assyrian and Muslim – Turk immigrants in Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands – countries that implement different multicultural and civil integration policies. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with Christian – Assyrian and Muslim – Turk immigrants born in Turkey and migrating to Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands. Their ages are between 28 and 72 years old. They have different levels of education. Assyrians are proficient in multiple languages from the region (Assyrian, Arabic, Kurdish, Turkish) and Turks in Turkish. Most of the interlocutors are multi lingual and know the host language(s) and some other languages like English. The majority have citizenship in the host country. Based on the interviews, the research identifies four challenges: identification, contact, language, and discrimination – racism. The findings show that Assyrian immigrants have a strong connection with their ‘Assyrian’ identity due in part to the genocide in 1915 that they call ‘Seyfo’, and Turk immigrants have a more mixed sense of identification in their home and host cultures. Both Assyrian and Turk interlocutors have close immigrant friends and neighbours; having similar activities or hobbies increase their chances to contact with the native citizens. The barriers reported are the lack of language proficiency, unequal working conditions, and perceptions of racial and religious discrimination in education, employment, housing and social life. The findings of this study suggest that both Assyrian and Turk interlocutors want to be accepted as part of the host society without losing their sense of cultural particularity. This poses no threat to the host society, and policies should be designed that support diversity and encourage the participation of immigrants .
...
Este artículo analiza los retos de la participación de los inmigrantes cristianos-asirios y musulmanes-turcos de primera generación en Bélgica, Alemania y los Países Bajos, países que aplican diferentes políticas de integración multicultural y civil. Se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas a inmigrantes cristianos-asirios y musulmanes-turcos nacidos en Turquía y que emigran a Bélgica, Alemania y los Países Bajos. Sus edades oscilan entre los 45 y los 72 años. Tienen diferentes niveles de educación. Los asirios dominan varias lenguas (asirio, árabe, kurdo, turco); los turcos, el turco y algunos de ellos, el inglés, además de las lenguas de acogida. La mayoría tiene la nacionalidad del país de acogida. A partir de las entrevistas, la investigación identifica cuatro retos: identificación, contacto, idioma y discriminación - racismo. Los resultados muestran que los inmigrantes asirios tienen una fuerte conexión con su identidad "asiria" debido en parte al genocidio de 1915 que ellos llaman "Seyfo", y los inmigrantes turcos tienen un sentido de identificación más mezclado en sus culturas de origen y de acogida. Tanto los interlocutores asirios como los turcos tienen amigos y vecinos inmigrantes cercanos; tener actividades o aficiones similares aumenta sus posibilidades de contacto con los ciudadanos nativos. Las barreras señaladas son la falta de dominio de la lengua, la desigualdad en las condiciones de trabajo y la percepción de la discriminación racial y religiosa en la educación, el empleo, la vivienda y la vida social. Las conclusiones de este estudio sugieren que tanto los interlocutores asirios como los turcos desean ser aceptados como parte de la sociedad de acogida sin perder su sentido de particularidad cultural. Esto no supone una amenaza para la sociedad de acogida, y deberían diseñarse políticas que apoyen la diversidad y fomenten la participación de los inmigrantes
Cite: Özgür, E. Challenges of Participation in Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands: Christian – Assyrian and Muslim – Turk Immigrants. The International Journal of Migration Studies –Revista Internacional de Estudios Migratorios (RIEM), 12(1), 28-54. DOI: https://doi.org/10.25115/riem.v12i1.5320. 2022
... She wishes to be accepted among the host community but feels rejected. This might result in the kind of '(re-)ethnicization' identified by Skrobanek (2009, p. 535) in relation to Turks in Germany and associated with perceived discrimination of second -or third -generation Turk immigrants noted by Berek (2018), and Barwick and Beaman (2019). ...
This article discusses the challenges of participation of the first-generation Christian – Assyrian and Muslim – Turk immigrants in Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands – countries that implement different multicultural and civil integration policies. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with Christian – Assyrian and Muslim – Turk immigrants born in Turkey and migrating to Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands. Their ages are between 45 and 72 years old. They have different levels of education. Assyrians are proficient in multiple languages (Assyrian, Arabic, Kurdish, Turkish); Turks in Turkish and some of them in English, other than the host languages. The majority have citizenship in the host country. Based on the interviews, the research identifies four challenges: identification, contact, language, and discrimination – racism. The findings show that Assyrian immigrants have a strong connection with their ‘Assyrian’ identity due in part to the genocide in 1915 that they call ‘Seyfo’, and Turk immigrants have a more mixed sense of identification in their home and host cultures. Both Assyrian and Turk interlocutors have close immigrant friends and neighbours; having similar activities or hobbies increase their chances to contact with the native citizens. The barriers reported are the lack of language proficiency, unequal working conditions, and perceptions of racial and religious discrimination in education, employment, housing and social life. The findings of this study suggest that both Assyrian and Turk interlocutors want to be accepted as part of the host society without losing their sense of cultural particularity. This poses no threat to the host society, and policies should be designed that support diversity and encourage the participation of immigrants.
... Although public and political discourses on who belongs (or not) to the national group impact young people's identifications (Barwick and Beaman 2019), these results resonate with research showing that such discourses are also actively challenged, as young people resist oversimplification and reductionism based on ethnic or national labels (Leonard 2016;Moinian 2009). The respondents give meaning to their dual identities in different ways. ...
Based on three rounds of in-depth interviews, this article discusses the various ways in which children negotiate ethnic and national identities in a majority-minority city. I examine which identity labels children identify with, which relevance they attach to those labels, how they define these inclusively or exclusively and what these labels reveal about their senses of belonging. Children negotiate identity in myriad and creative ways and, while doing so, challenge public and political discourses by creating inclusive categories which transcend ethnic or national boundaries. I further show how, approximately 20 months after the first research round, the children retrospectively reflect on their self-identifications, may alter their initially chosen identity labels, and critically question the importance they once attached to those identities. The results contribute to a deeper understanding of children's reflexivity and agency while dealing with their identity in a super-diverse environment.
... These oppressive discourses became articulated and solidified in concrete social practices, mechanisms, policies, and structures in Roma people's everyday lives". Barwick and Beaman's (2019) empirical examples from France furthermore reflect the practical relevance that the notion of "race" has for people affected by it, beyond academic debates or political declarations. In France, despite not officially recognizing race as a category and generally ignoring it, racialized people in stigmatized suburbs, banlieues, outside Paris repeatedly defined themselves as non-white, and those perceived as "French" were described as white. ...
European history is to a significant extent also a history about racialization and racism. Since the colonizers of past centuries defined boundaries between “civilized” and “savages” by applying value standards in which the notions of race, ethnicity, culture, and religion were interwoven and imposed on human beings perceived as fundamentally different from themselves, racialization became deeply inherent in how (white) Europeans viewed the world, themselves, and others. In this Special Issue, we assume that colonialist racialization constitutes the base of a persistent and often unreflective and indirect racism. Implicit value systems according to which white people are automatically considered as more competent, more desirable, preferable in general terms, and more “European” translate into patterns of everyday racism affecting the self-image and life chances of white and non-white Europeans. In this introductory article, which defines the conceptual framework for the special issue, we contest the idea of a “post-racial” condition and discuss the consequences of ethno-racial differentiation and stigmatization for racialized groups such as Black Europeans, European Roma, and non-white migrants in general. Finally, we argue for the need to further problematize and critically examine whiteness.
... Here, we used the two-step task to quantify model-free and model-based control in a rather large cohort of subjects (n = 127), and investigated whether these measures were associated with self-reported overt (blatant) or hidden (subtle) prejudices. As outlined above, in Germany one of the most stigmatized minorities are migrants from Turkey (Barwick and Beaman, 2019;Thijssen et al., 2019), and we therefore assessed prejudices against this outgroup by using the German version of the Blatant and Subtle Prejudice Scale [BSPS; Pettigrew and Meertens (1995)]. ...
Background: Prejudices against minorities can be understood as habitually negative evaluations that are kept in spite of evidence to the contrary. Therefore, individuals with strong prejudices might be dominated by habitual or “automatic” reactions at the expense of more controlled reactions. Computational theories suggest individual differences in the balance between habitual/model-free and deliberative/model-based decision-making.
Methods: 127 subjects performed the two Step task and completed the blatant and subtle prejudice scale.
Results: By using analyses of choices and reaction times in combination with computational modeling, subjects with stronger blatant prejudices showed a shift away from model-based control. There was no association between these decision-making processes and subtle prejudices.
Conclusion: These results support the idea that blatant prejudices toward minorities are related to a relative dominance of habitual decision-making. This finding has important implications for developing interventions that target to change prejudices across societies.
... Характерно, что маргинализация мигрантских сообществ проявляется не столько на социально-экономическом, сколько на этнокультурном уровне. Так, результаты исследования, проведенного в Париже при участии иммигрантов из стран Магриба второго поколения среди представителей среднего класса, показывают, что несмотря на успехи, достигнутые ими в образовательной и профессиональной сфере, они зачастую становятся объектами отчуждения со стороны французов только на основании своей неевропейской внешности и имени [Barwick, Beaman, 2019]. Как следствие, многие представители мигрантских сообществ испытывают трудности в учебе, а затем и в поиске работы. ...
... Социально-культурное отторжение со стороны европейцев, ощущение несправедливости и осознание отсутствия перспектив в своем будущем в отдельных случаях усиливает кризис идентичности у детей мигрантов. Тогда как многие из них становятся носителями гармоничной двойной магрибинско-европейской идентичности [Barwick, Beaman, 2019], не меньшая их часть испытывает внутренний конфликт западной и арабской (или арабо-мусульманской) культур и чувство непринадлежности ни к одной из них [Nilsson, 2019]. Все эти факторы -в совокупности или в отдельности -служат фундаментом для радикализации молодых представителей мигрантских сообществ, многие из которых происходят из умеренно религиозных или относительно светских семей, а также прослеживаются при анализе досье исполнителей большинства терактов, совершенных в Европе за последние двадцать лет. ...
The article explores the issue of Maghrebi migration to Europe in the context of potential external and internal challenges it poses to European states and societies. Special attention is given to the „push‟ factors that underpin emigration of Maghrebis. The results of research highlight that migration from Maghreb to Europe is persistent. The current military, political and socioeconomic dynamics in the region imply that the Maghrebi migration flow will increase in the future. The article concentrates on reasons for radicalization of some members of Maghrebi immigrant communities in Europe. The findings indicate that Arab or Muslim background of immigrants is not the root cause for radicalization. Despite the fact that some elements of the Islamic doctrine are exploited by Islamist organizations, they mostly resonate with youth of second-generation migrant communities giving them a certain „frame‟ and purpose for their protest. The main conclusion is that the most serious threat to the European security comes not from the large-scale influx of migrants, which will be continue, but marginalization of big parts of migrant communities, most and foremost born and raised in Europe, as they are the ones that tend to get radicalized in the first place.
... Comparative Integration Context Theory (Crul & Mollenkopf, 2012;Crul & Thomson, 2007) shows that varying political and cultural reactions to Muslims in Europe shape youths' identities. In the case of France, color-blind ideology (Beaman, 2017;Chacal, 2015;Keaton, 2010), rampant Islamophobia (Abdellali & Mohammed, 2016) and the instrumentalization of the Muslim middle class by political parties (Wihtol de Wenden & Leveau, 2001) in some banlieues gives rise to a "distinct community" and "distinct identity" concerning ethnic origins (Barwick & Beaman, 2019;Chacal, 2015;Roy, 2009). The most recent French survey on second generation integration (Simon et al., 2018) and other case studies (Pégram, 2020) demonstrated that an important part of the second generation living in the suburbs do not identify themselves strongly with the majority culture or feel French only, although their connections to the heritage group remain strong. ...
... Young people feel part of a poor social class, divers in terms of ethnicity and with a capacity for activism. This strong sense of belonging to the city and the neighborhood has been also identify in other European research (Barwick & Beaman, 2019;Mythen, 2012;Simon et al, 2018). Lastly, immigrant self-identification and the attachment to the country of origins and its traditional Islam is still important in Madrid (31% of the sample). ...
... In this context of rejection of Muslimness, selective acculturation (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001) or integration strategies (Berry, 1980)-which represent the main acculturation strategy of the second generation internationally (Barwick & Beaman, 2019;Beaman, 2017;Berry & Hou, 2017;Crul & Thomson, 2007;Portes et al., 2016)-in Les Bosquets it reduces to a minority. It is only represented by young activists who empower themselves by defining themselves as "racialized" and "indigenous" citizens, breaking the French taboo on race and denouncing how the descendants of colonialism represent the new underclass. ...
This comparative and qualitative research examines the types of ethnic, racial, religious, and social identification that North-African second generations adopted in a banlieue of Paris and a peripheral barrio of Madrid. Four types of self-identification were detected in the neighborhood of Les Bosquets (Paris) and three in the neighborhood of San Cristobal (Madrid). In Les Bosquets, isolation, Islamophobia and the relationships with the police give rise to a "reactive ethnicity"; a new conservative Islam gains many followers ("Muslim self-identification"); race appears for the first time as an element of self-identification ("indigenous self-identification”) and secularism has waned (“laïc self-identification”). In San Cristóbal, a significant share still feels like immigrants (“immigrant identification”); a new Spanish-Muslim generation (“hybrid self-identification”) is born, and the most vulnerable youth adopt a conservative Islam while simultaneously developing a sense of “neighborhood pride” and identification with the working class (“neighborhood identification”).
