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Map of Areas A, B, and C after Oslo II. 

Map of Areas A, B, and C after Oslo II. 

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Palestine is a state in limbo—they lack full formal recognition as a sovereign land but possess a unique nation-state status that incorporates elements of a unified national consciousness and basic civil institutions albeit with limited autonomy. Palestine’s ambiguous political status is starkly illustrated by its convoluted territorial control, an...

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... Seely, 2007). It is not my intent to discuss those issues here; instead, I want to focus on how archaeological practice, the display of artifacts, and archaeological site protection are fractured as a result of law and policy. Under the current geopolitical and legal structure of occupation in Area C as designated by the Oslo Accords, Israeli archaeology in Palestine is accountable to no one. Greenberg and Keinan (2007) suggest that this can be construed as the mobilization of culture for colonialism; opportunities for Israeli academics to carry out ‘‘scientific’’ programs of excavation with very little oversight and no collaboration with Palestinian academics and archaeologists. The present geography of archaeological administration in Palestine, divided into areas A, B, and C, has been deployed as part of the colonial project of alienation, dismemberment, and displacement (De Cesari, 2010c: 7). In the following examination of archaeology under occupation, I use the case study of Herodium to consider the effects of law and policy on the archaeological sites and objects of the Palestinian landscape. From the 16th century onward, Palestinians were subject to Ottoman rule and to the numerous Ottoman laws of 1874, 1884, and 1906, which were aimed at controlling and protecting the archaeological sites and resources of the Empire (Kersel, 2008, 2010). With the dissolution of the Empire in 1917 and the subsequent division of territories under the League of Nations, Great Britain assumed control of the territory we now know as Israel, Palestine, and Jordan under the colonial British Mandate. In one of its first actions, the British Mandate government promulgated an antiquities proclamation noting the importance of cultural heritage in the region. A formal Department of Antiquities and the Antiquities Ordinance of 1929 followed shortly after—these efforts outlined procedures for excavation, interpretation, and museum acquisition, while at the same time regulating the trade in antiquities (for further discussion of the legal legacies in the Middle East, see Keane and Azarov, 2012–2013; Kersel, 2008, 2010). In the period immediately following the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, the West Bank was annexed as part of Jordan and under the law and jurisdiction of the Hashemite Kingdom, resulting in the bifurcation of cultural heritage oversight. Chatterjee (1993) hypothesizes that post-colonial states do not usually transform the basic institutional arrangement of colonial law and administration, opting instead to keep a continuity of law with the hope of greater stability. In Israel and Jordan (then including the West Bank), the various provisions and regulations of the British Mandate Antiquities Ordinance of 1929 remained in force, ensuring a continuous legal framework for cultural heritage oversight and management. In 1966, Jordan repealed the Mandate Antiquities Ordinance, repla- cing it with Jordanian Temporary Law no. 51 on Antiquities, which maintained many of the earlier Mandate provisions but became the new cultural heritage legislation for the West Bank. From 1967 onward, legally and administratively, the West Bank was subject to an occupying Israeli military government, with military commanders in each area empowered with administrative, governmental, and legislative powers (Cavanaugh, 2002–2003: 942). These powers were executed through a series of Israeli military orders. ‘‘Orders codified Israel’s control of the Occupied Territories far beyond the concern of its military forces,’’ (Gordon, 2008: 31) which resulted in two of these orders directly affecting cultural heritage (nos. 1166 and 1167), well beyond the mandate of the Israeli military. Military order no. 1166 specifically addressed the issue of cultural heritage in the West Bank, augmenting the Jordanian Temporary Law no. 51 on Antiquities of 1966 and authorizing an Israeli appointed Staff Officer (SO) for the West Bank tasked with the management and the protection of cultural heritage sites according to the regulations contained in the original Jordanian Law. In the relative peace of the early 1990s, there were overtures toward a two- state solution, with a phased autonomy and self-rule for Palestine. Intended to be a road map for peace The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip , known more informally as the Oslo Accords, carved the Occupied Territories into a complex mosaic of areas—A, B, and C, allegedly presenting greater opportunities for Palestine to manage and administer some of the archaeological and cultural heritage sites in the West Bank and Gaza. 3 The effects of the partitioning into areas A, B, and C were/are significant (Bshara, 2013: 298). The West Bank was divided into three areas: Area A, under complete Palestinian civil and military control; Area B, under Palestinian civil control but Israeli military control; and Area C, under complete Israeli civil and military control (see Figure 1). 4 In 1995, this division assigned the eight major Palestinian cities (Bethlehem, Hebron, Jenin, Jericho, Nablus, Qalqilya, Ramallah, and Tulkarem) to Area A, representing about 3% of the total area of the West Bank and approximately 26% of the population. Area B, which includes a buffer zone around Area A, covers about 24% of the West Bank but contains the majority of the Palestinian population (70%). Area C encompasses approximately 73% of the West Bank area and includes Palestinian villages (4% of the population) as well as Israeli settlements, outposts, and military installations. Israel retains full responsibility for security and public order as well as for civil issues relating to the area, which included archaeology (Gordon, 2008: 36). After the Wye Agreements of 2000, the distribution changed to Area A at 18%, Area B 22%, and Area C 64%, the current configuration in the West Bank. Originally, the Oslo Accords envisioned a gradual handover of civil and military responsibilities to the Palestinians over the course of 18 months after the inauguration of the Palestinian legislative council, first in Area B and later in Area C. However, to this day, the Israelis have retained full civil and military authority over Area C, the vast majority of Palestine. Archaeologically, the Oslo Accords were the intended replacements for the existing Israeli military orders in Area C, until such time that the Palestinian government passed relevant legislation regarding the protection and preservation of cultural heritage. In 2003, the government of Palestine introduced draft cultural heritage legislation aimed at protecting both the natural and cultural environment. It awaits approval and implementation (see Fahel, 2010; Kersel, 2008; Taha, 2010, 2014). As a result of a complex legal system comprising Ottoman, British Mandatory, Egyptian (the Gaza Strip), Jordanian (the West Bank), Israeli military orders, and international accords (Oslo), preservation and protection of cultural heritage in Palestine can only be considered fractured and inconsistent. Bshara (2013: 299) suggests that after over two decades since Oslo, there remains no real legal framework in place to protect cultural heritage and very few government initiatives to preserve and to protect Palestinian resources. Under Oslo, Israel and Palestine pledged to protect and safeguard the cultural heritage from looting, development, and the detrimental effects of tourism. As part of Appendix I, Article II the Israelis provided the Palestinians with a list of specific sites which were deemed by Israeli negotiators to have particular archaeological and historical importance—mostly synagogue remains and tombs, sites relating specifically to Judaism. Under the Oslo II provisions, a joint committee (comprising Palestinian and Israeli cultural heritage professionals) would be established to deal with archaeological issues of common interest. This committee would also keep each other abreast of archaeological discoveries and disseminate the results of excavations through publication, publications and online, ensuring access for all. Each agreed to respect sites holy to the various religions of the area. To date, few to none of these aims have been implemented. The now largely aborted peace process and the complex legislative legacies leave cultural heritage sites caught in the middle of this failed agreement (Cavanaugh, 2002–2003; Rynhold, 2008). Since the phased handover of Area C has not occurred, the archaeological sites in this area (some 60% of cultural heritage sites in the West Bank, numbering in the thousands) are governed by the Civil Administration of Israel, the Jordanian Temporary Law no. 51, 1966, and the Israeli military order no. 1166 of 1986. Area C remains in the control of the Israeli Archaeological Department of the Civil Administration (ADCA). The oversight and management of cultural heritage in Palestine is truncated by the attempted post-colonial condition created by the Oslo agreements and current Israeli occupation (see Bshara, 2013; Pratt, 2013). In an ideal world, Palestine should now be in control of the archaeological sites within its territorial boundaries. Since the Oslo Agreements, in Areas A and B the Palestinian Department of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage (DACH) has carried out over 600 salvage excavations and joint projects with North American and European partners at sites like Khirbet Bal’ama, Tell Balata, Tell el-Ajjul, Tell es-Sultan, and Khirbet el-Mafjar in Jericho. The DACH routinely issues permits to Palestinian archaeologists from Birzeit University and Al-Quds University to carry out archaeological investigations. At the national level, the government and its agents are focused on the acquisition of World Heritage status for the natural and cultural sites of Palestine, which may be to the detriment of smaller sites not deemed of ‘‘outstanding universal value’’ (Bshara, 2013; De Cesari, 2010c). At the same ...

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... Inoltre, la situazione amministrativa nella West Bank è molto diversificata tra le diverse aree. Infatti, gli accordi interinali tra Israele ed OLP, hanno diviso la Cisgiordania in tre zone ben delineate ( fig. 3) : Fig 3. -Aree A, B e C nella West Bank Fonte: Kersel, 2014. 1. Area A, attualmente composta da circa il 18% del territorio della Cisgiordania, che comprende tutte le città palestinesi e la maggior parte della popolazione palestinese della West Bank, nella quale l'autorità palestinese è dotata di un più ampio potere di governo. 2. Area B, che comprende circa il 22% della West Bank e comprende vaste aree rurali, all'interno delle quali Israele ha mantenuto il controllo della sicurezza della zona ed ha trasferito il controllo delle questioni civili all'Autorità Palestinese. ...
... To date, in spite of the Oslo Accords and the creation of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), the Israeli military still maintains complete custodianship over the archaeological materials from Area C of the West Bank. The signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993, which carved the occupied territories of Palestine into a complex mosaic of areas A, B, and C, have resulted in fractured oversight of heritage sites and objects (Kersel, 2014). In the West Bank, Area A, under direct Palestinian control, includes the major populated cities but constitutes no more than 3 per cent of those areas; Area B encompasses 450 Palestinian towns and villages representing 27 per cent of the West Bank, jointly controlled territory in which the Palestinians would exercise civil authority but Israel would retain security control; and Area C, in which Israel has exclusive control, constitutes the rest of the West Bank (70 per cent), including agricultural land, the Jordan Valley, natural reserves, areas with lower population density, Israeli settlements, and military areas (Hanafi, 2009). ...
... Archaeologically, the Oslo Accords were intended as replacements for the existing Israeli military orders in Area C, until such time as the Palestinian government passed relevant legislation regarding the protection and preservation of cultural heritage (Kersel, 2014). In 2003, the PNA introduced draft cultural heritage legislation aimed at protecting both the natural and cultural environment. ...
... In the West Bank, a kind of "war of position" has been ongoing since the 1990s between the Palestinian "state" and "civil society" that together with the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict has profoundly shaped the local heritage field. This conflict over functions and responsibilities has elicited a number of court cases, mostly occasioned by the frequent occurrence of NGOs working without a license issued by the Department of Antiquities, but the main battlefield has been the drafting of new heritage legislation to replace the colonial law that still regulates heritage work in the Palestinian territories (Kersel 2015). Based on their review of heritage legislation worldwide (including the Italian heritage legislation), Palestinian NGOs in the early 2000s drafted a new law widening the scope of public protection from antiquities older than AD 1700 to the recent vernacular past and involving more actors beyond the state. ...
... Since 1999, in the face of ongoing occupation and fractured oversight (Kersel 2015), under the direction of the late Adel Yahya, the NGO Palestinian Association for Cultural Exchange (PACE) mobilized local populations to repair damaged historic buildings, clean up the areas, build paths to the sites, and assist in creating interpretive signs for visitors (Yahya 2002). Through town hall meetings, community clean-up days, and educational outreach in schools, PACE has encouraged interest in the objects and places of Palestine. ...
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In this article, I examine the growing influence of nongovernmental organizations and the changing role of the state in cultural heritage policy. These processes rely on an accelerated transnational circulation of policy ideas grounded in a notion of culture as development and participation. In the occupied West Bank, several local but internationally funded organizations work to preserve the historic built environment, supplanting the heritage agency of a beleaguered, nonsovereign Palestinian Authority. In Italy, the government itself has disempowered its own heritage agency. Neoliberal cultural policy discourse has inspired legislative reform that has left the Italian heritage management severely underfunded. In both Italy and Palestine, the lack of state involvement has given nonstate actors increasing responsibility for heritage and blurred the boundary between the state and these nonstate entities. Contrasting colonial and noncolonial contexts, I show how quasi-colonial conditions of fragmentation and forms of state failure are spreading under neoliberal globalization. I argue that the current rearticulation of the discourse of heritage and cultural policy is intertwined with a general transformation whereby the contours of the state are increasingly frayed and its functions disassembled across a broad terrain.
... The OPT's population, as for October 2018, is around 5,100,000 [1], distributed as approximately 3.05 million in the West Bank and approximately 2.05 million in the Gaza Strip. [19]; Right: Map of the Gaza Strip, showing the groundwater level in m (middle) and water quality, in terms of chlorite and nitrate concentrations (left and right) of the Coastal Aquifer System (CAS) (after [10].) 5. The presence of almost one million Israeli settlers living in more than 200 Israeli settlements in the Occupied West Bank, in violation of International Law and the Fourth Geneva Convention. ...
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FOR CITATION: Salem, H.S. (2019). Agriculture status and women’s role in agriculture production and rural transformation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Journal of Agriculture and Crops, 5(8-August): 132–150. DOI: https://doi.org/10.32861/jac.5(8)132.150 and https://arpgweb.com/journal/journal/14 and https://www.researchgate.net/publication/334770801_Agriculture_Status_and_Women's_Role_in_Agriculture_Production_and_Rural_Transformation_in_the_Occupied_Palestinian_Territories_Journal_of_Agriculture_and_Crops_2019_58_132-150 ABSTRACT: This paper focuses on the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), comprised of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, with respect to the status of agriculture and the role of Palestinian women in the agriculture sector, water management, and agricultural sustainability in rural areas in the OPT. Recent estimates indicate that 15.4% and 7.8% of the total employed are employed in the agriculture sector in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, respectively. Despite the fact that the contribution of the agriculture sector to the GDP has decreased to 3% only, this sector is still hosting until recently 7.5%–10.5%, on average, of the employed in the OPT. Palestinian women only compose 18% of the labor force, and a little bit more than one fifth of them (22%, which is equivalent to around 4% of the women’s labor force) contribute to the agricultural sector in the OPT. However, most of women’s labor in the informal sector remains hidden and, thus, their contribution to the agriculture sector in the form of home-based activities is much higher than what is officially reported. Over 30% of informal agricultural work is performed by women as part of their domestic responsibilities. In addition, Palestinian women work at home as well as in the field, contributing effectively to the agriculture sector (plant and animal production) and, thus, to sustainable development in the OPT. With respect to water resources, women in rural areas play a considerable role in making water available for domestic and agricultural use, either by bringing water from far distances or getting water from springs and domestic harvesting wells (cisterns). Despite the fact that the status of agriculture in the OPT is really bad and getting even worse, and despite the presence of economic, financial, and political hardships and challenges, Palestinian women have obviously contributed to the agricultural sector towards achieving sustainable development in their communities in the OPT’s rural areas. KEYWORDS: Palestinian women; Agriculture and status of agriculture; Water resources management; Challenges; Resilience; Sustainable development; Rural areas; Occupied Palestinian territories (West Bank; including Jerusalem; And Gaza strip).
... The OPT's population, as for October 2018, is around 5,100,000 [1], distributed as approximately 3.05 million in the West Bank and approximately 2.05 million in the Gaza Strip. [19]; Right: Map of the Gaza Strip, showing the groundwater level in m (middle) and water quality, in terms of chlorite and nitrate concentrations (left and right) of the Coastal Aquifer System (CAS) (after [10].) 5. The presence of almost one million Israeli settlers living in more than 200 Israeli settlements in the Occupied West Bank, in violation of International Law and the Fourth Geneva Convention. ...
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FOR CITATION: Salem, H.S. 2019. Agriculture status and women’s role in agriculture production and rural transformation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Journal of Agriculture and Crops. 5(8-August): 132–150. (Published by Academic Research Publishing Group, Germany, Denmark, and Pakistan). ISSN(e): 2412-6381, ISSN(p): 2413-886X DOI: https://doi.org/10.32861/jac.5(8)132.150 and https://arpgweb.com/journal/journal/14 and https://www.researchgate.net/publication/334770801_Agriculture_Status_and_Women's_Role_in_Agriculture_Production_and_Rural_Transformation_in_the_Occupied_Palestinian_Territories_Journal_of_Agriculture_and_Crops_2019_58_132-150 ABSTRACT: This paper focuses on the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), comprised of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, with respect to the status of agriculture and the role of Palestinian women in the agriculture sector, water management, and agricultural sustainability in rural areas in the OPT. Recent estimates indicate that 15.4% and 7.8% of the total employed are employed in the agriculture sector in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, respectively. Despite the fact that the contribution of the agriculture sector to the GDP has decreased to 3% only, this sector is still hosting until recently 7.5%–10.5%, on average, of the employed in the OPT. Palestinian women only compose 18% of the labor force, and a little bit more than one fifth of them (22%, which is equivalent to around 4% of the women’s labor force) contribute to the agricultural sector in the OPT. However, most of women’s labor in the informal sector remains hidden and, thus, their contribution to the agriculture sector in the form of home-based activities is much higher than what is officially reported. Over 30% of informal agricultural work is performed by women as part of their domestic responsibilities. In addition, Palestinian women work at home as well as in the field, contributing effectively to the agriculture sector (plant and animal production) and, thus, to sustainable development in the OPT. With respect to water resources, women in rural areas play a considerable role in making water available for domestic and agricultural use, either by bringing water from far distances or getting water from springs and domestic harvesting wells (cisterns). Despite the fact that the status of agriculture in the OPT is really bad and getting even worse, and despite the presence of economic, financial, and political hardships and challenges, Palestinian women have obviously contributed to the agricultural sector towards achieving sustainable development in their communities in the OPT’s rural areas.
... In the West Bank, a kind of "war of position" has been ongoing since the 1990s between the Palestinian "state" and "civil society" that together with the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict has profoundly shaped the local heritage field. This conflict over functions and responsibilities has elicited a number of court cases, mostly occasioned by the frequent occurrence of NGOs working without a license issued by the Department of Antiquities, but the main battlefield has been the drafting of new heritage legislation to replace the colonial law that still regulates heritage work in the Palestinian territories (Kersel 2015). Based on their review of heritage legislation worldwide (including the Italian heritage legislation), Palestinian NGOs in the early 2000s drafted a new law widening the scope of public protection from antiquities older than AD 1700 to the recent vernacular past and involving more actors beyond the state. ...
... Since 1999, in the face of ongoing occupation and fractured oversight (Kersel 2015), under the direction of the late Adel Yahya, the NGO Palestinian Association for Cultural Exchange (PACE) mobilized local populations to repair damaged historic buildings, clean up the areas, build paths to the sites, and assist in creating interpretive signs for visitors (Yahya 2002). Through town hall meetings, community clean-up days, and educational outreach in schools, PACE has encouraged interest in the objects and places of Palestine. ...
Book
In recent decades, Palestinian heritage organizations have launched numerous urban regeneration and museum projects across the West Bank in response to the enduring Israeli occupation. These efforts to reclaim and assert Palestinian heritage differ significantly from the typical global cultural project: here it is people's cultural memory and living environment, rather than ancient history and archaeology, that take center stage. It is local civil society and NGOs, not state actors, who are "doing" heritage. In this context, Palestinian heritage has become not just a practice of resistance, but a resourceful mode of governing the Palestinian landscape. With this book, Chiara De Cesari examines these Palestinian heritage projects—notably the Hebron Rehabilitation Committee, Riwaq, and the Palestinian Museum—and the transnational actors, practices, and material sites they mobilize to create new institutions in the absence of a sovereign state. Through their rehabilitation of Palestinian heritage, these organizations have halted the expansion of Israeli settlements. They have also given Palestinians opportunities to rethink and transform state functions. Heritage and the Cultural Struggle for Palestine reveals how the West Bank is home to creative experimentation, insurgent agencies, and resourceful attempts to reverse colonial violence—and a model of how things could be.
... Consequently, Area C has become prime territory for antiquities looting, the misuse of resources, and both intentional and unintentional destruction of archaeological sites. In addition to Rjoob, several other researchers have exposed the situation concerning archaeological sites in Area C, including: Taha (2002Taha ( , 2004, Yahya (2005Yahya ( , 2008, Al-Ju'beh (2008), Cinthio (2004), Kogelschatz (2016), Kersel (2015), Greenberg and Keinan (2007), and Al-Houdalieh (2010, 2012. These scholars have classified the Area C heritage resources as endangered sites deserving of special attention-both from the parties to the conflict and from international institutions dealing with cultural heritage-to prevent further destruction. ...
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Many archaeological sites, both major and minor, situated in the Palestinian Territories, are suffering from an absence of meaningful control and protection. They are experiencing relentless destruction due to both modern urban development projects and illegal digging to extract marketable archaeological objects. In recent decades, this destruction of archaeological resources has entered an especially dangerous, sensitive, and complicated phase, as a large number of structures have been built on archaeological sites using heavy equipment that remove all cultural deposits down to bedrock, without any kind of archaeological documentation or supervision from institutions overseeing cultural heritage or urban-development planning. Khirbet Kafr Shiyān, which is land privately owned entirely by Palestinians yet under the sole administrative control of Israeli authorities, is a perfect example of this phenomenon. Over the last few decades it has suffered the complete destruction of approximately 42 percent of its cultural deposits. The authors provide an assessment of the recent destruction and offer suggestions critical for the protection of this and similar archaeological sites.
... porary Law no. 51 on Antiquities" (Kersel, 2015). This Order established an Israeli Archaeology Department of the Civil Administration (ADCA) Staff Officer for the region, who Greenberg and Keinan (2007) stated is under no oversight by either government and who has not enforced "required" licenses or publications. ...
... This Order established an Israeli Archaeology Department of the Civil Administration (ADCA) Staff Officer for the region, who Greenberg and Keinan (2007) stated is under no oversight by either government and who has not enforced "required" licenses or publications. Kersel (2015) referred to the Staff Officer as "a rogue element in the archaeological frontier of Palestine" (p. 30), and Bshara (2013) observed that there is little effective legislation to protect Palestinian archaeological or environmental resources 201 years after Oslo II. ...
... The current situation means the Palestinians receive few benefits from archaeological tourism. Restricted access to the region is one impediment (Hedges, 2001), as is the imbalanced misuse of legislation, or "lawfare" (Dunlap, 2009;Kersel, 2015 ...
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The synthesis of biological anthropology, archaeology, and social theory provides a bioarchaeological model to reconstruct nuanced aspects of demography, diet, disease, death, daily activities, and biodistance, even in the absence of discrete burials. Numerous skeletal assemblages in the southern Levant are composed of mixed and fragmented bones resulting from generational use of cemeteries, mass burial, and additional communal burial practices. Others become commingled due to taphonomic processes such as flooding, geological events, or human mediated mechanisms like looting, improper excavation, and poor curation. Such collections require one to ask broader questions of human adaptability, exercise a holistic approach, use broad demographic categories, and remain cognizant of the limitations posed by fragmentation. Expanded research questions and ethical considerations, the use of centralized databases and understudied collections, as well as the application of social media, citizen science, and crowd sourcing provide new tools for bioarchaeological analyses of the many commingled ancient Near Eastern collections in the southern Levant.
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The Old City of Acre (‘Akka) is home to a predominantly Palestinian community within the larger Israeli municipality of Acre. Bounded by late eighteenth and early nineteenth century land and sea walls, the Old City's dense mix of Ottoman and Crusader‐era architecture sits on a peninsula less than one square kilometer in area on the Mediterranean coast. In 2001, the World Heritage Committee designated the Old City as a UNESCO World Heritage site, intensifying the Israeli state project of developing the city as an international tourist attraction. This chapter examines contemporary interventions on the surfaces of the Old City by way of photographic surface survey. Documented surface interventions include residents’ deposition of bread for animals to eat and fishermen to use as bait and surface adornments that reflect local aesthetic values. An archaeological analysis draws attention to an expansive repertoire of local care practices. Residents selectively appropriate the language and work of “heritage” to represent their own histories and serve their own aspirations against the grain of the state project, offering an alternative theorization of heritage that insists on maintaining ‘Akka as at once a historic and livable space.
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As a result of its geographic location, cultural diversity and historical trajectory, the Gaza strip is a key zone of scholarly enquiry and has a central role in the historical, social, political, economic, legislative and environmental discourses for the wider region. Existing historical knowledge of Gaza is dominated by combative narrative trends that emphasise the events of the 20th and 21st centuries and invoke archaeology extensively. In this context, cycles of material preservation and damage—often accompanying other forms of violence—have attracted the attention of academics and international media. Among the corollaries of this situation, is the destruction and marginalisation of vulnerable cultural heritage, particularly maritime cultural heritage, which is subjected to additional environmental, climatic, and anthropogenic pressures. As a means of countering the challenges on current field research in the region and to further assess the damage and threats faced by archaeological fabric, this paper combines data from coastal and archaeological research conducted in the Gaza Strip to create a benchmark for the study of its maritime archaeology. Additional information on the alteration of coastal landscape is deduced through the analysis of aerial photographs and satellite imagery. This study falls within the scope of the Maritime Endangered Archaeology in the Middle East and Africa Project (MarEA). MarEA aims to comprehensively document and assess vulnerable maritime archaeology (underwater, nearshore, coastal) and produce baseline information that can enhance existing infrastructure on archaeological monitoring and management.