Fig 4 - uploaded by Dornadula Chandrasekharam
Content may be subject to copyright.
Source publication
In all the Indian legends, whether it is the Ramayana or Mahabharata,
one can find embedded elements of geological processes. Perhaps due to the lack of a sound scientific basis for recognizing geological processes in ancient Indian civilization, such processes were believed to be the acts of ‘Gods’ (Suras) and ‘Demons’ (Asuras) and hence they for...
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... span of each yuga varies in a manner similar to geological eras. According to the Hindu mythology the Satyuga lasted for 1.728 Ma; Trethayuga lasted for 1.296 Ma; Dwaparayuga lasted for 0.864 Ma; and the Kaliyuga, the present era has so far completed 0.432 Ma (Somayaji 1971). The Trethayuga and the Dwaparayuga are the most important eras since they encompass the most important epics of India, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, respectively. This four fold stratigraphic division of time-scale is similar to that used in geology (cf. Precambrian, Palaeozoic, Mesozoic and Cenozoic). Some authors consider each yuga as ‘ Maha Yuga ’, meaning that each should be multiplied by 1000 years. In which case the sum of all these yugas amounts to the age of the Earth ( c. 4.3 billion years) which constitutes a day for Lord Brahma (Brahma day), the creator of the universe (Somayaji 1971; Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada 1986). The destruction of the universe is called ‘ pralaya ’ or catastrophe—synonym to the present day floods, earthquakes and tsunamis. In each era, Lord Vishnu, the saviour, emerges into this world in the form of ‘ avatar ’ (incarnation). According to the Hindu mythology, these ‘ avatars ’ are in the form of animals or semi-animal demigods (part is human and part is animal: Fig. 1). In each avatar, he destroys the evil and restores ‘ satya ’ (justice) in the world. The ten avatars are Matsya (fish), Koorma (tortoise), Varaaha (boar), Narasimha (the man lion), Vaamana (the dwarf), Parasurama (the angry man), Rama (the perfect human; avatar in Trethayuga), and Krishna (the divine statesman; avatar in Dwaparayuga). The tenth avatar which is yet to appear is Kalki (Pandey 1979). Lord Vishnu is always seen with his conch and Chakra (Vishnu Chakra; the wheel) in his hands. He is reborn (as a new avatar ) after a major cat- astrophe ( pralaya ) when the entire species on Earth becomes extinct. After every Brahma day, Lord Brahma creates new life on Earth. In Hindu mythology it is said that after one such cat- astrophe, Brahma was busy creating new life on Earth and did not pay attention to the Demon Hiranyaksha who had pushed the mother Earth into ( Patal lok ) the Ocean (i.e. trying to destroy the Earth). Brahma, realizing that his new creation of life has to live on Earth, pleaded with Vishnu to save the Earth. Vishnu took the form of Varaha (Fig. 1: Subramnya Sastri 1989; Pandey 1979) and lifted the Earth with his tusks from the ocean bottom and reinstated it in its proper orbit. One may interpret this geologically as the birth of the planet Earth or an analogy of sea- floor spreading at mid-ocean ridges where new material is created. Lunar and solar eclipses are natural phenomena of the solar system and for that matter an eclipse is common to all the planetary bodies. However, in Indian mythology it is a chase between Rahu and the Moon and Ketu and the Sun (Dave 1991 a ). Indra, one of the celestial gods or ‘S uras ’, was cursed by Durvasa for insulting him by throwing away the flowers offered by him. By nature, Durvasa is short-tempered and cursed Indra and all the gods that they would lose their vigour and strength. So the gods started losing power while the ‘ Asuras ’ (demons) started gaining power. The gods pleaded with Vishnu to help them to regain their power so that the demons would not overtake their kingdom. Vishnu advised the gods to churn the milky sea using serpent ‘Vasuki’ mount Mandara as a stirrer to obtain celestial nectar (elixir) that would restore their power (Fig. 2). Thus both the gods and the demons churned the ocean and the nectar emerged from the ocean. Vishnu deceived the demons by taking the form of a beautiful lady (Mohini) and diverted their attention while the gods consumed the elixir. However, two ‘ Asuras ’ (Rahu and Ketu), aware of Mohini’s trickery, took the guise of gods and also consumed some of the celestial nectar and became immortal. The Moon and the Sun reported this incident to Vishnu who became furious and chopped off their heads with his Chakra (see Fig. 3). Since Rahu and Ketu consumed the nectar, they remained in the universe and started chasing the Moon and the Sun as an act of revenge. Thus in Hindu mythology Rahu and Ketu are regarded as celestial bodies that swallow the Moon and the Sun thus causing lunar and solar eclipses respectively. Indian astronomers as early as AD 300 discounted this myth and presented the orbital paths of the planets and their moons thus accounting for lunar and solar eclipses (Somayaji 1971; Dave 1991 a ). While Rahu and Ketu were consuming the celestial nectar, a few drops fell on Earth. Wherever drops of the celestial nectar or the elixir spilled, those places became divine or holy shrines for Hindus. Ujjain is one such place. Ujjain is located within the northern flank of the mid-continental Narmada rift. The Mahakal rift zone extends from the NE part of Madhya Pradesh to SW part extending up to Ujjain. (Venkata Rao & Nayak 1995; Fig. 4). The famous Tattapani thermal springs in Chattisgarh district (east of Jabalpur, not shown in Fig. 4) emerge through this rift system (Chandrasekharam & Antu 1995; Subramnya Sastri 1989). Hindu mythology mentions such a rift zone through which Lord Shiva (known as Mahakaleswar) emerged to save his devotees in Ujjain by killing the demon Dushana who was living in Ratnamala hills (Dave 1991 a ). Though there are no hill ranges around Ujjain, the Ratnamala hills may be the Vindhyans that form part of the Narmada rift system. Geographically, Ujjain attained importance for nurturing great Hindu astronomers and because the Tropic of Cancer passes through it. Ujjain was considered the ‘Greenwich’ of Hindu astronomers (Dave 1991 a ). Fossils are considered divine and are thought to rep- resent Hindu gods. For Indians, ammonites and echinoderm fossils are sacred and are known as ‘ saligrams ’ or ‘ saligramas ’ (the actual name or term in Sanskrit is ‘ Salagraman ’ and is one of the names of Vishnu; Swami Nityananda 1998). In Hindu mythology, ammonites are considered as Vishnu Chakra and the echinoderms and cephalopods (belemnites) as Shiva (in his phallic form, Linga). The ammonite fossil with circular shape and radiating ribs look very similar to Vishnu Chakra (Fig. 3) with radiating spikes. All types of ammonite fossils (e.g. Meekoceras varaha; Promi- phites nebrascensis; Acanthoscaphites nodosus : Krishnan 1968) are given different names indicat- ing different manifestations of Vishnu (Swami Nityananda 1998). The ammonite fossil Meekoceras varaha found in the Triassic formation of the Central Himalayas (Krishnan 1968) resembles the Vishnu Chakra. Varaha is one of Vishnu’s avatars. It is not clear whether this name is given to the fossil because of its resemblance to Vishnu Chakra or it attained this name accidentally. Indian geology textbooks mention of the ‘ saligram ’ (Krishnan 1968; Wadia 1978); some of the echinoderm and cephalopod fossils look like a phallus, symbolizing Shiva. In India, these Jurassic and Cretaceous fossils are extensively found in Spiti Shale Formations of upper Himalayas and brought to Nepal by Gandak River (Krishnan 1968), which joins the Ganges in the Gangetic plain in India. Vishnu became incarnate in the form of Saligram to save the demons and semi-gods alike. These fossils are kept in temples and households as natural symbols of Vishnu (Fig. 5). Shiva is part of life for many Indians and he is worshipped in the form of Linga (phallus) by a large number of Hindus. Some Hindus carry the Shiva Linga (phallus) on their body (especially the echinoderm fossils). A large number of pilgrims travel to Amarnath cave annually to see the Lord. According to Shiva Purana (Subramnya Sastri 1989), Shiva recounted the secret of creation and eternal life to his consort, Parvati, in this cave. The Amarnath cave is about 145 km NE of Srinagar, at a height of about 4000 m above mean sea level, in the Himalayas (Fig. 6). It is believed that the Shiva Linga in the cave forms every lunar month: during the first half the Linga starts forming and attains full size on the full-moon day (lunar day 15), and during the second half of the month the Linga starts decreasing and disappears on new-moon (Dave 1991 b ). This cave attracts large crowds from all over India and more than 25 000 pilgrims visit this shrine between May and July. In reality this cave is located in limestone- gypsum formation (Krishnan 1968) and the melt- water percolating into the cave from the roof through joints freezes on the ground and grows as a stalagmite (Fig. 7). Due to the heat generated by the pilgrim population visiting the cave, the stalagmite melts by June, thus reducing the size of the Shiva Linga (the stalagmite). White gypsum powder from the cave is distributed to the pilgrims as ‘Vibhuti’ (sacred powder). The Kashmir government reportedly is planning to extend the life of the stalagmite artificially. In Mahabharata, Lord Krishna was the chief advisor to the Pandavas (worriers and sons of King Pandu). Mathura was the abode of Krishna. Due to constant hostility between ‘ Suras ’ and ‘ Asuras ’, Kamsa, the demon, waged a war against Krishna. Kamsa had a curse on his head that he would be killed by Krishna. In the ensuing battle, Kamsa was indeed killed. Krishna, who actually belongs to the Yadavas (a Hindu sect and disciples of Krishna), found it impossible to continue his stay in Mathura and shifted his abode to Dwaraka along the Saurashtra coast in Gujarat (Kamala 1977; Dave 1991 b ). According to the legend, Krishna’s disciples perished from infighting. Since the main task of killing Kamsa had been accomplished, Krishna decided to leave Dwaraka and in one of the texts it was told that Krishna knew about the fate of Dwaraka and hence left for his heavenly abode. The town of Dwaraka was inundated by the Arabian Sea and subsequently submerged. Recent marine archaeological investigation dis- covered the mythological ...
Context 2
... the Satyuga lasted for 1.728 Ma; Trethayuga lasted for 1.296 Ma; Dwaparayuga lasted for 0.864 Ma; and the Kaliyuga, the present era has so far completed 0.432 Ma (Somayaji 1971). The Trethayuga and the Dwaparayuga are the most important eras since they encompass the most important epics of India, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, respectively. This four fold stratigraphic division of time-scale is similar to that used in geology (cf. Precambrian, Palaeozoic, Mesozoic and Cenozoic). Some authors consider each yuga as ‘ Maha Yuga ’, meaning that each should be multiplied by 1000 years. In which case the sum of all these yugas amounts to the age of the Earth ( c. 4.3 billion years) which constitutes a day for Lord Brahma (Brahma day), the creator of the universe (Somayaji 1971; Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada 1986). The destruction of the universe is called ‘ pralaya ’ or catastrophe—synonym to the present day floods, earthquakes and tsunamis. In each era, Lord Vishnu, the saviour, emerges into this world in the form of ‘ avatar ’ (incarnation). According to the Hindu mythology, these ‘ avatars ’ are in the form of animals or semi-animal demigods (part is human and part is animal: Fig. 1). In each avatar, he destroys the evil and restores ‘ satya ’ (justice) in the world. The ten avatars are Matsya (fish), Koorma (tortoise), Varaaha (boar), Narasimha (the man lion), Vaamana (the dwarf), Parasurama (the angry man), Rama (the perfect human; avatar in Trethayuga), and Krishna (the divine statesman; avatar in Dwaparayuga). The tenth avatar which is yet to appear is Kalki (Pandey 1979). Lord Vishnu is always seen with his conch and Chakra (Vishnu Chakra; the wheel) in his hands. He is reborn (as a new avatar ) after a major cat- astrophe ( pralaya ) when the entire species on Earth becomes extinct. After every Brahma day, Lord Brahma creates new life on Earth. In Hindu mythology it is said that after one such cat- astrophe, Brahma was busy creating new life on Earth and did not pay attention to the Demon Hiranyaksha who had pushed the mother Earth into ( Patal lok ) the Ocean (i.e. trying to destroy the Earth). Brahma, realizing that his new creation of life has to live on Earth, pleaded with Vishnu to save the Earth. Vishnu took the form of Varaha (Fig. 1: Subramnya Sastri 1989; Pandey 1979) and lifted the Earth with his tusks from the ocean bottom and reinstated it in its proper orbit. One may interpret this geologically as the birth of the planet Earth or an analogy of sea- floor spreading at mid-ocean ridges where new material is created. Lunar and solar eclipses are natural phenomena of the solar system and for that matter an eclipse is common to all the planetary bodies. However, in Indian mythology it is a chase between Rahu and the Moon and Ketu and the Sun (Dave 1991 a ). Indra, one of the celestial gods or ‘S uras ’, was cursed by Durvasa for insulting him by throwing away the flowers offered by him. By nature, Durvasa is short-tempered and cursed Indra and all the gods that they would lose their vigour and strength. So the gods started losing power while the ‘ Asuras ’ (demons) started gaining power. The gods pleaded with Vishnu to help them to regain their power so that the demons would not overtake their kingdom. Vishnu advised the gods to churn the milky sea using serpent ‘Vasuki’ mount Mandara as a stirrer to obtain celestial nectar (elixir) that would restore their power (Fig. 2). Thus both the gods and the demons churned the ocean and the nectar emerged from the ocean. Vishnu deceived the demons by taking the form of a beautiful lady (Mohini) and diverted their attention while the gods consumed the elixir. However, two ‘ Asuras ’ (Rahu and Ketu), aware of Mohini’s trickery, took the guise of gods and also consumed some of the celestial nectar and became immortal. The Moon and the Sun reported this incident to Vishnu who became furious and chopped off their heads with his Chakra (see Fig. 3). Since Rahu and Ketu consumed the nectar, they remained in the universe and started chasing the Moon and the Sun as an act of revenge. Thus in Hindu mythology Rahu and Ketu are regarded as celestial bodies that swallow the Moon and the Sun thus causing lunar and solar eclipses respectively. Indian astronomers as early as AD 300 discounted this myth and presented the orbital paths of the planets and their moons thus accounting for lunar and solar eclipses (Somayaji 1971; Dave 1991 a ). While Rahu and Ketu were consuming the celestial nectar, a few drops fell on Earth. Wherever drops of the celestial nectar or the elixir spilled, those places became divine or holy shrines for Hindus. Ujjain is one such place. Ujjain is located within the northern flank of the mid-continental Narmada rift. The Mahakal rift zone extends from the NE part of Madhya Pradesh to SW part extending up to Ujjain. (Venkata Rao & Nayak 1995; Fig. 4). The famous Tattapani thermal springs in Chattisgarh district (east of Jabalpur, not shown in Fig. 4) emerge through this rift system (Chandrasekharam & Antu 1995; Subramnya Sastri 1989). Hindu mythology mentions such a rift zone through which Lord Shiva (known as Mahakaleswar) emerged to save his devotees in Ujjain by killing the demon Dushana who was living in Ratnamala hills (Dave 1991 a ). Though there are no hill ranges around Ujjain, the Ratnamala hills may be the Vindhyans that form part of the Narmada rift system. Geographically, Ujjain attained importance for nurturing great Hindu astronomers and because the Tropic of Cancer passes through it. Ujjain was considered the ‘Greenwich’ of Hindu astronomers (Dave 1991 a ). Fossils are considered divine and are thought to rep- resent Hindu gods. For Indians, ammonites and echinoderm fossils are sacred and are known as ‘ saligrams ’ or ‘ saligramas ’ (the actual name or term in Sanskrit is ‘ Salagraman ’ and is one of the names of Vishnu; Swami Nityananda 1998). In Hindu mythology, ammonites are considered as Vishnu Chakra and the echinoderms and cephalopods (belemnites) as Shiva (in his phallic form, Linga). The ammonite fossil with circular shape and radiating ribs look very similar to Vishnu Chakra (Fig. 3) with radiating spikes. All types of ammonite fossils (e.g. Meekoceras varaha; Promi- phites nebrascensis; Acanthoscaphites nodosus : Krishnan 1968) are given different names indicat- ing different manifestations of Vishnu (Swami Nityananda 1998). The ammonite fossil Meekoceras varaha found in the Triassic formation of the Central Himalayas (Krishnan 1968) resembles the Vishnu Chakra. Varaha is one of Vishnu’s avatars. It is not clear whether this name is given to the fossil because of its resemblance to Vishnu Chakra or it attained this name accidentally. Indian geology textbooks mention of the ‘ saligram ’ (Krishnan 1968; Wadia 1978); some of the echinoderm and cephalopod fossils look like a phallus, symbolizing Shiva. In India, these Jurassic and Cretaceous fossils are extensively found in Spiti Shale Formations of upper Himalayas and brought to Nepal by Gandak River (Krishnan 1968), which joins the Ganges in the Gangetic plain in India. Vishnu became incarnate in the form of Saligram to save the demons and semi-gods alike. These fossils are kept in temples and households as natural symbols of Vishnu (Fig. 5). Shiva is part of life for many Indians and he is worshipped in the form of Linga (phallus) by a large number of Hindus. Some Hindus carry the Shiva Linga (phallus) on their body (especially the echinoderm fossils). A large number of pilgrims travel to Amarnath cave annually to see the Lord. According to Shiva Purana (Subramnya Sastri 1989), Shiva recounted the secret of creation and eternal life to his consort, Parvati, in this cave. The Amarnath cave is about 145 km NE of Srinagar, at a height of about 4000 m above mean sea level, in the Himalayas (Fig. 6). It is believed that the Shiva Linga in the cave forms every lunar month: during the first half the Linga starts forming and attains full size on the full-moon day (lunar day 15), and during the second half of the month the Linga starts decreasing and disappears on new-moon (Dave 1991 b ). This cave attracts large crowds from all over India and more than 25 000 pilgrims visit this shrine between May and July. In reality this cave is located in limestone- gypsum formation (Krishnan 1968) and the melt- water percolating into the cave from the roof through joints freezes on the ground and grows as a stalagmite (Fig. 7). Due to the heat generated by the pilgrim population visiting the cave, the stalagmite melts by June, thus reducing the size of the Shiva Linga (the stalagmite). White gypsum powder from the cave is distributed to the pilgrims as ‘Vibhuti’ (sacred powder). The Kashmir government reportedly is planning to extend the life of the stalagmite artificially. In Mahabharata, Lord Krishna was the chief advisor to the Pandavas (worriers and sons of King Pandu). Mathura was the abode of Krishna. Due to constant hostility between ‘ Suras ’ and ‘ Asuras ’, Kamsa, the demon, waged a war against Krishna. Kamsa had a curse on his head that he would be killed by Krishna. In the ensuing battle, Kamsa was indeed killed. Krishna, who actually belongs to the Yadavas (a Hindu sect and disciples of Krishna), found it impossible to continue his stay in Mathura and shifted his abode to Dwaraka along the Saurashtra coast in Gujarat (Kamala 1977; Dave 1991 b ). According to the legend, Krishna’s disciples perished from infighting. Since the main task of killing Kamsa had been accomplished, Krishna decided to leave Dwaraka and in one of the texts it was told that Krishna knew about the fate of Dwaraka and hence left for his heavenly abode. The town of Dwaraka was inundated by the Arabian Sea and subsequently submerged. Recent marine archaeological investigation dis- covered the mythological Dwaraka town intact, under the sea along Saurashtra coast (Gaur et al. 2000) (Fig. 8a,b). The sinking ...
Citations
... His third reincarnation was in the form of Varaha or wild boar, to rescue the earth from the evils of demons. Till date, many temples throughout India offer prayers to the Varah avatar of Vishnu (Krishna 2010;Dornadula 2007). ...
Pig farming has a profound caste-based and cultural association in India. In Uttarakhand, pigs are raised predominantly by the specific community contributing to their livelihood. Unlike other livestock species in the State, the piggery sector is unorganised and the pig farming is not sufficient to meet the increasing demand for pork. The study aims to identify the locations of the household rearing pig and its husbandry practices in the planar (Dehradun, Haridwar and Nainital) districts where rapid urbanisation and continuous migration make us reconsider the necessity of an organise promotion of the piggery sector due to its multiple ecological implications. 28 households were reached by adopting rapid appraisals approach and interviewed by using a semi-structured questionnaire. Analysis showed that 60.7%, 10.7% and 21.4% of the household raised pig near seasonal streams (slum settlements), the residential areas within the house premises and near the forest, respectively. Moreover, 28.6% of households maintained breeding boar of feral origin and 96.94% followed a semi-intensive pig rearing system; hence human settlement is staying in close proximity with pigs (domestic and wild) and other domestic animals. The possibility of the emergence of zoonotic and non-zoonotic disease and its easy transmission to humans become more prominent in the urban setting. Before planning for a holistic piggery development program in Uttarakhand, the government may consider these findings. Lastly, the location of the pig herd and its foraging areas requires to be strictly monitored for public health benefits.
... Unlike other domesticated animal species, the abundance of domestic pigs in a particular region is influenced by the religion, culture, and traditions of people within the region and their respective association with pork consumption. The worship and significance of wild boar in India have been seen since time immemorial [1], however, on the question of pig rearing, the scenario depends on the other aspect of Hinduism called the caste system, which is the oldest form of surviving social stratification and its effect cannot be ignored in modern society. According to the traditional caste system, the lower caste prefers pig rearing. ...
... The studies on geomythology and Atlantis-a fictional island in the Atlantic Oceanconstitute a good example in this regard (Vitaliano 1968;Forsyth 1982). Chandrasekharam (2007) argued that geological processes or events are a key component of Indian mythology and in Indian culture, tectonic events, the growth of a stalagmite, formation of coral reefs or coastal submergence have been considered as manifestations of the gods and their activities on Earth. Chester and Duncan (2007): 203) believed that geomythology should be viewed with caution because cultural presuppositions and prejudices may be read into the reactions of indigenous peoples. ...
Geotourists may visit geosites for different reasons related to their goals, motivations and the characteristics of the geotourism destination. From the geotourism point of view, several factors can be mentioned in order to attract tourists to geosites in addition to individual motivations, such as the site being exceptional or unique or the magnitude of the event, the shape and the form of the phenomenon, the variety and contrast of colour, the specific and surprising smell and geomythology. Geomythology is any kind of our ancestors’ myths or customs that are sometimes integrated into branches of earth sciences such as geography, geology and volcanology. The existence of stories, fictions and myths in many cases is one of the reasons which attract people to come to a geotourism destination and observe features and processes operating in that area. The Takht-e Soleymān – Takab area is one of the best examples of these geotourism destinations in Iran. Words such as Takht-e Soleymān (King Solomon), Belgheis (Queen of Sheba), Demon, Dragon and Solomon’s Prison can be seen in the names of volcanic landforms, geothermals and karsts of this area and different stories and fictions are told about them. Local communities integrated these myths into the processes that shape the physical features of the Earth. Nowadays, these myths have an important role in attracting tourists, especially geotourists, to this area. An analytical-descriptive method with an emphasis on documentary data and field studies was used to investigate the geomythological aspects of this area’s landforms. The results illustrated that the geomythology of the Takht-e Soleymān area sites could have an important role in attracting people to geosites and in protecting them.
... The story of " the smoking crab holes of Sissano " is in Davies et al. (2003). 7. It has been claimed that Dwaraka was submerged to a depth of 150 m by a combination of sea-level rise and (tectonic) subsidence (Chandrasekharam 2007); this seems exaggerated. 8. ...
The critical analysis of myths (traditional oral tales) can lead to an improved understanding of geohazards. This paper examines three groups of myths (volcano, earthquake, coastal change) from Asia-Pacific cultures and shows how their analysis can contribute to the identification of unrealised geohazards in particular places as well as the magnitudes and recurrence intervals of these hazards.
Many volcano myths involve gods within the mountains who are periodically angered and punish the people living nearby; through gifts, volcano gods are appeased, a process that is widespread in parts of the Asia-Pacific region. Other volcano myths allow people to recognise eruption precursors or identify particular eruptions.
Earthquake myths often involve an animal within the Earth failing to support it upright. More recently, earthquakes have been interpreted as an expression of divine anger at the state of (local) human affairs. Myths also refer to earthquake precursors and have proved effective in eliciting appropriate community responses following tsunamigenic earthquakes.
Coastal-change myths are more likely to be memories of long-term (postglacial) coastal change on which extreme-wave events were superimposed. The latter are the most memorable details in myths but the consequences of these events can be explained only by long-term change. Abrupt changes to Asia-Pacific coasts have also been captured by myths, ranging from local collapses of cliffed coasts to the disappearance of entire islands in the Pacific Ocean.
Myths can supply information around the nexus of geological and historical data sources, particularly between 102-104 years ago. As such, myths have the potential to contribute ‘missing’ data to long-term geohazard chronologies and thereby improve hazard understanding and preparedness. Myths from Asia-Pacific cultures that refer to community responses to geohazards can also be useful in contemporary strategies for awareness-raising. Geographers are uniquely qualified to identify and interpret myths that refer to geohazards. There is potential for many more such myths to be gathered from the Asia-Pacific region.
Due to global warming and climate change, entire global economies are transiting towards sustainable development in the present era. Banks are the economic-centric institutions that run the economy of a country and also emit carbon from their activities. To reduce these carbon emissions and carbon footprints emitted by the banks, the environmentally-friendly concept of "green banking" has arisen. This is an innovative method of sustainable banking that is emerging as a paradigm shift towards the sustainable growth of a country. This article will review various studies on green banking in India and highlight significant insights on the country's initiatives, practices, banking customer perceptions, and pitfalls in Indian green banking. This study helps policymakers in developing policies and researchers in focusing on future work for sustainable growth.
Rituals, particularly religious rituals, may play a significant role in times of crises. Often, these rituals undergo revision in order to adapt to the changing needs of the time. In this paper, we investigate recent unofficially revised Hindu religious rituals as performed during the COVID-19 pandemic. The multifarious creative interplay between Hindu tradition and change is illustrated through four cases – the religious festival of Durga Puja, the devotional songs or bhajans, the ritual of lighting lamps or diyas, and the fire rituals or havans. We offer a systematic discourse analysis of online news articles and YouTube posts that illuminate several aspects of ritual revision during unsettled times. We focus on the changes that were made to ritual elements – who was in control of these alterations, how were these modifications made, and what potential benefits did these revisions offer to the community of ritual participants. Based on our findings, we highlight public policy implications regarding the involvement of diverse social actors, the creation of faith in science, the creation of feelings of unity and agency, and the amplification of local ritual modifications on a national scale.
The objective of the study was to analyze the transmission and application of Rahu symbolism in contemporary Thai society. Data was collected from both documents and a field study in central and eastern Thailand. It was found that in traditional Thai art, the Rahu symbol is portrayed as his face swallowing the sun or the moon. This kind of Rahu symbol is found in Buddhist temples. Such appearances of the Rahu symbol are related to the belief that Rahu has a protective function. Interestingly, the sculpture of Rahu’s body rather than only his face has become popular in contemporary Thai society. Nowadays, Rahu sculptures tend to be located in specific places. A ritual of worshipping Rahu is often created with offerings of food generally of black color. In addition, the Rahu symbol is now created in several other forms such as posters, magic cloths and amulets. Such newly created art forms of Rahu are due to modern interpretations and meanings of the Rahu symbol in contemporary Thai society. These newly-developed meanings of the Rahu symbol are interesting since they can be applied to deal with people’s problems in the socio-cultural and political context of contemporary Thai society.
Historical data sources are used by a wide variety of disciplines, but rarely do they look outside their particular research fields at how others are using and applying historical data. The use and application of historical data has grown rapidly over the last couple of decades within the meteorological, geophysical and hydrological disciplines, but have done so relatively independently. By coevolving, each discipline has developed separate themes or areas, with varying degrees of uptake beyond their academic communities. We find that whilst the geophysical discipline has been relatively successful in engaging with international policymakers and stakeholders, this has not been reflected within the meteorological or hydrological disciplines to date. This disparity has occurred for a variety of reasons, including varying scales of disaster and social, political and cultural structures. In examining current developments within the disciplines, evidence suggests that this disparity is lessening, as each are using online databases and some citizen science, but that they continue to evolve independently with little unifying structure or purpose. This continued autonomy makes multi-hazard analysis challenging which, considering the potential that historical datasets present in the emerging field of multi-hazards analysis, is a considerable hindrance to this field of research. In looking forward, opportunities emerge for improved understanding of the risks presented to societies by natural hazards in the past, but also for examining how resilience, behaviour and adaptation alter during periods of repose.
The Unkeshwar thermal springs occurring on the eastern fringes of the Deccan basalt province is chemically distinct from those occurring on the western margin of the province. These springs are very similar to the Godavari rift thermal springs. Although the issuing temperature of the thermal springs is about 47 °C, their chemical signature and the geothermal gradient of the area support a reservoir depth at 2.6 km with the temperature of 156 C. These conditions are similar to that reported for the other thermal springs' sites within the Godavari rift valley.
