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Low-income groups involved in commoditizing waste materials. 

Low-income groups involved in commoditizing waste materials. 

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Urban waste has traditionally remained for municipal councils to manage in several sub-Saharan cities such as Kampala. However, due to noticeable inefficiencies at municipal level, there is a manifest of low-income groups that take the initiative to extract and add value to materials from the waste stream, although higher-income groups are engaged...

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Context 1
... other products that are subject to the prevailing forces of demand and supply in urban informal economies, these reusable and recyclable materials are frequently unclaimed-lying free on the streets, in restaurants and homes. As such, a number of low- income community groups are interdependently involved in the commoditization of waste materials, as presented in Table 2. ...
Context 2
... Table 2, it is shown that commodity-based waste activities not only involve trading recyclable materials, but also the exploitation of natural resources. For example brick-laying according to the respondents involves the extraction of clay and water from wet lands in the community. ...

Citations

... As presented in Table 3, adaptation initiatives or projects at the community level in African cities have mostly been incrementally focused on neighborhood interventions. For example, in the climate vulnerable and poor neighborhoods of Kasubi-Kawaala, Makerere II, and Bwaise III in northern Kampala city (Uganda), Kareem and Lwasa (2011) report on how low-income waste vendors self-organized to derive their livelihood and adapt to changing climate by recycling waste materials including polythene bags for growing mushrooms; banana, cassava, and sweet potato peelings and cow dung for compost; plastic bottles for packing juice and drinking water; used paper for making tray eggs; tins and mineral water bottles for making shoe soles; and charcoal dust. Similar findings were reported in Harare (Zimbabwe) where the urban poor have resorted to wetland urban farming in the Monavale wetland as a livelihood strategy to deal with famine and hunger linked to climate pressures (Matenga 2019). ...
Article
The proliferation of informal settlements and growing risks of climate change across African cities pose core questions to urban planning theory and practice. Where do informal settlements fit into future climate adaptation plans? What constitutes a 'just' climate transformation for African urbanization? And how does a 'just' climate transformation address the concerns of Africans in informal settlements? We conduct a literature review to highlight the importance of local, community-based knowledge production and action in addressing African urbanization and climate change. We show how informality and climate change impact each other across diverse African cities and conduct a detailed case study based on Accra, Ghana. We argue that national and global approaches to planning for urbanization and climate change are required to strengthen local community-based knowledge production and action.
... Gender is yet another social relation that shapes access to discarded materials. In Kampala, women have historically participated in waste management at the household level (Kareem & Lwasa, 2011): women were understood to be responsible for domestic care, including taking care of waste. In contrast, men were expected to handle waste outside the home, including participating in the commercialization of waste. ...
Article
Kampala has a complex set of regulations describing actors, rules and procedures for collection and transportation of waste, and requires waste to be disposed of at the landfill. Yet little of the city’s waste moves through this “formal system”. Building on wider scholarship on urban infrastructure and calls to theorize from southern cities, we examine recycling in Kampala as a heterogeneous infrastructure configuration. Kampala’s lively recycling sector is socially and materially diverse: it is comprised of entrepreneurs, public-private partnerships and non-governmental organizations, as well as a range of materials with different properties and value. We articulate how actors assert claims, obtain permissions, build and maintain relationships as they rework flows away from the landfill. We argue that recognizing socio-material heterogeneity throughout the waste configuration enables a clearer analysis of contested processes of claiming value from waste. We also demonstrate how these efforts have pressured the state to reconsider the merits of the modern infrastructure ideal as a model for what (good) infrastructure is and ought to be. Various actors assert more heterogeneous alternatives, raising the possibility of alternative modes of infrastructure which might generate better incomes and improve service provision.
... Many of the original beneficiaries sold their newly acquired land title or were marginalized from the process (Mann & Andabati, 2014). Life in the city, for many, is a shared experience of profoundly fragmented basic service provision, ongoing threat of evictions, and land and resource conflicts (Kareem & Lwasa, 2011). Furthermore, for most, life is replete with uncertainties about the present and the future, about how limit vulnerability and provide opportunity, however slim, to get on. ...
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In this paper, we examine how to understand housing as a relational process. Drawing on research in three diverse cities, we stage an unlikely dialogue that brings together narratives of housing across the global North–South divide. In doing so, we are concerned with thinking housing relationally in two broad senses: first, housing as a relational composite of economy, space, politics, legality and materials, structured by particular relations of power and resource inequality. Second, housing as a space of learning through comparison, which connects geographically and culturally in distinct cities. What do we learn about relational thinking with regards to housing when we compare it across the global North–South divide? In response, we explore a dialogue between a set of cities often off-the-map in debates on housing and urban research: Gateshead (UK), Kampala (Uganda) and Tirana (Albania). In comparing how housing is produced, distributed and inhabited, we seek to contribute to a wider understanding of the relationalities of housing.
... Recreation along fractured dry riverbeds has taken shape (Sareh et al. 2016), coupled with reliance on ecosystems, such as mangroves and community reforestation along coastal areas, for defence against storm water surges (Roberts et al. 2012). Fog-water harvesting is being promoted (Marzol and Sánchez, 2008), alongside kitchen or toilet facilities that capture methane gas at the top of the dome for re-use as cooking gas (Swilling and Annecke, 2006 (Buyana and Lwasa, 2011); the Eco-Village pathway in Lynedoch of Stellenbosch city (Swilling and Annecke, 2006); and Youth climate champions in Mathare settlement of Nairobi city (Thorn et al. 2015). Evidence revealed that resilience to climatic change in African cities means harnessing the positive interactions amongst interventions at neigbourhood and city scale. ...
... Though there were two studies drawing on cases across Africa (Dobson, 2017;Ziervogel et al. 2017), five specifically focused on South Africa (Anguelovski et al. 2014;Taylor et al. 2014;Roberts et al. 2012;Swilling & Annecke, 2006;Leck & Simon, 2018). East Africa spoke to five studies, including Herslund et al. (2016), Thorn et al. (2015), Buyana and Lwasa (2011), Okello et al. (2013), and Isunju et al. (2016). Three studies centered particularly on North Africa, that is: Marzol and Sánchez (2008); Aboulnaga et al (2019);and Fahmy et al. (2017). ...
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African cities are largely less-built with agile informal settlements and multiple ecologies that harbor different pathways for resilience to climate change. We undertook a qualitative systematic review of academic and policy evidence, to address the question of what interventions are emerging at neigbourhood to city scale to enhance resilience to climate change in Africa. Resilience at neigbourhood scale often stems from harnessing the local resource base and technologies for urban agriculture and forestry; alternative energy from wastes; grassed drainages for protection against erosion; recreation along dry riverbeds; fog-water harvesting; and adjustments in irrigation schedules. At city scale, planning is targeted at buildings, mobility and energy service delivery as the objects to be made resilient. The review established that evidence on comparisons across regions is mainly on East, West and South African cities, and much less on cities in Northern and Central Africa. Ecological comparisons are majorly on coastal and inland cities, with minimal representation of semi-arid and mountainous cities. Resilience efforts in capital cities are the most dominant in the literature, with less emphasis on secondary cities and towns, which is necessary for a deeper understanding of the role played by inter-municipal and inter-metropolitan collaborations. African cities can bring context-sensitivity to global debates on climate resilience, if theoretical perspectives are generated from emerging interventions across case studies. We conclude with suggestions on what future research needs to take on, if evidence on resilience to climate change in African cities is to be strengthened.
... In fact, the dominant framings that speak to the need for science-policy-practice interfaces on urban issues, such as urban tinkering (Elmqvist et al. 2018) and urban experimentation (Evans 2016) or the critique of it, often overlook the lesson that many urban 'solutions' developed in the context of northern cities do not apply well to cities in Africa (Parnell and Robinson 2012). For example, in African cities, high-tech smart technologies that transform waste to energy may be less effective because of the existence of large informal networks of waste pickers who manually extract and add-value to waste materials using technologies developed from local hardware (Buyana and Lwasa 2011). Therefore urban concepts and experiments for science-policy-practice interfaces that are designed for developed world contexts cannot be uncritically replicated and transferred to developing world contexts. ...
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Academics and policy-makers are increasingly being challenged to acknowledge that their knowledge is necessary but insufficient in addressing the complex challenges associated with global urbanization. But few studies offer a coherent framing of how actors from academia, policy and local communities can interface and build synergies for resolving urban sustainability challenges. This paper presents three parameters along which science–policy–practice interfaces for urban sustainability can be understood. The three parameters are: (1) co-framing research agendas; (2) co-designing methodologies; and (3) co-experimentation of scalable solutions. Co-framing research agendas speaks to the process of jointly developing research problems and questions from on a particular or interrelated set of urban sustainability challenges. Co-designing methodologies centers on the spectrum of approaches and methods for generating and sharing knowledge that is scientifically credible, relevant to policy and socially valuable. Co-experimentation refers to testing or taking to scale locally-embedded solutions that can resonate with systemic change at wider scales. To illustrate the contextual meanings and dynamics of these three parameters, case studies of interfaces amongst academic and non-academic actors are presented from cities of Durban, Stellenbosch and Kampala. The case studies demonstrate that all the parameters mean altering the positionality of local communities and policy-makers, from end-users to co-bearers of knowledge with scientists from academia. None of the case studies indicates that one parameter is a step to another, rather the emphasis is on reflexive modes of collaboration amongst the actors involved to permit the co-production of knowledge.
... The waste landscape sustains a variety of livelihoods that connect in different ways with the city's formal economy, extending waste infrastructure beyond the confines of the mu-nicipal government and opening the waste frontier to multiple participants. Taking out the trash was a promising business for unemployed young men (Buyana and Lwasa 2011). As in many of the poorest parts of Kampala, residents could dispose of their waste by giving a 500-shilling coin (US$0.20) to an informal waste collector. ...
Article
Thousands of marabou storks occupy Kampala, nesting in the city’s green spaces and eating up to 2 kilos of organic matter daily, mostly rotting garbage found in the city’s open dumps. Weedy birds, they flourish amid Kampala’s garbage crisis. Storks are both waste infrastructure and waste themselves, rendered disposable by the same state-centric views of infrastructure that make informal waste pickers precarious, and cast out from the imaginary of a clean, green, urban future. Theorizing animal and informal infrastructures together as “para-sites,�? this paper follows marabou storks through Kampala’s ever-shifting waste frontier: the postconsumer equivalent to the extractive frontier that subtends the capitalist fantasy of endless growth. Kampala’s topography, hydrology, and class structure ensure that trash flows downhill, accumulating in slums where it leads to flooding and outbreaks of cholera, typhoid, and other waterborne illnesses as well as to endemic malaria. Waste with wings, marabou storks remake the urban waste landscape, undermining efforts to stabilize the city’s ultimate sinks in landfills, slums, and wetlands as they flourish in filth and defecate in the heart of greenness. © 2019 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. All rights reserved.
... When improved waste collection and management becomes a public priority, pickers are often displaced and become unrecognized (Rouse and Ali, 2001;Ahmed and Ali, 2004;Scheinberg and Anschütz, 2006;Wilson et al., 2006;Medina, 2008;Betancourt, 2010), regardless of their environmental contribution and the subsequent social impacts (Huysman, 1994;Baud et al., 2001;Moreno-Sánchez and Maldonado, 2006). However, some progressive cities have devised contractual arrangements for waste-pickers (Fergutz et al., 2011;Kareem and Lwasa, 2011;Vergara and Tchobanoglous, 2012;Campos and Zapata, 2013). Pro-poor recycling strategies like those in Maputo and Bangalore have strengthened waste-pickers' cooperatives through improvements in infrastructure, governance, and skills, thereby obtaining benefits in a number of sustainability dimensions (Storey et al., 2013). ...
... Fergutz,Dias and Mitlin (2011);Kareem and Lwasa (2011);Storey et al. (2013);Vergara and Tchobanoglous (2012). ...
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Climate change is acknowledged as the largest threat to our societies in the coming decades, potentially affecting large and diverse groups of urban residents in this century of urbanization. As urban areas house highly diverse people with differing vulnerabilities, intensifying climate change is likely to shift the focus of discussions from a general urban perspective to who in cities will be affected by climate change, and how. This brings the urban equity question to the forefront. Here we assess how climate change events may amplify urban inequity. We find that heatwaves, but also flooding, landslides, and even mitigation and adaptation measures, affect specific population groups more than others. As underlying sensitivity factors we consistently identify socioeconomic status and gender. We synthesize the findings with regard to equity types – meaning outcome-based, process-oriented and context-related equity – and suggest solutions for avoiding increased equity and justice concerns as a result of climate change impacts, adaptation and mitigation.
... When improved waste collection and management becomes a public priority, pickers are often displaced and become unrecognized (Ahmed and Ali, 2004, Betancourt, 2010, Medina, 2008, Rouse and Ali, 2001, Scheinberg and Anschütz, 2006, Wilson et al., 2006, regardless of their environmental contribution and the subsequent social impacts (Baud et al., 2001, Huysman, 1994, Moreno-Sánchez and Maldonado, 2006. However, some progressive cities have devised contractual arrangements for waste-pickers to support waste management services (Campos and Zapata, 2013, Fergutz et al., 2011, Kareem and Lwasa, 2011, Vergara and Tchobanoglous, 2012. Pro-poor recycling strategies like those in Maputo (Mozambique), and Bangalore (India), have strengthened waste-pickers' cooperatives, through improvements in infrastructure, governance, and skills, thereby obtaining benefits in a number of sustainability dimensions (Storey et al., 2013). ...
... The technology used by the community is very crude. It involves mixing banana peelings with charcoal dust and anthill soil to make briquettes [72,73]. At industrial scale, briquetting is being used by a private company; Kampala Jellitone Suppliers, which produces 2000 t of briquettes annually. ...
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Biomass is a renewable energy resource; however, its exploitation raises concerns about its ability to sustain the growing demand and its negative impacts on the environment, particularly in developing countries. These concerns are more prominent on the African continent where high population growth rates is leading to high rates of deforestation due to expansion of agricultural land and increased demand for bioenergy. Use of traditional and inefficient bioenergy technologies and appliances also exacerbate the problem. This paper presents a review of the efforts and progress made by different organisations in promoting improved bioenergy technologies in Uganda. The study was based on an extensive review of available literature on improved bioenergy technologies introduced in the country. It was found that there is high level of wastage of biomass resources since an estimated 72.7% of the population use traditional cooking stoves with efficiency estimated to be less than 10%. Inefficient cooking stoves are also blamed for indoor air pollution and respiratory illness reported amongst its users. Modern bioenergy technologies such as biomass gasification, cogeneration, biogas generation, biomass densification, and energy-efficient cooking stoves have been introduced in the country but have certainly not been widely disseminated. The country should pursue policies that will accelerate proliferation of more efficient bioenergy technologies in order to reduce the negative environmental impacts of bioenergy utilisation and to ensure sustainability of biomass supplies.