Table 4 - uploaded by Alvaro Martinez Perez
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Logistic regressions to explain party vote in Spain 1982 a Model A: With ideology Model B: Without ideology
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... begin with the models for Spain-1982 (Table 4; Model A columns). In line with previous findings (Montero and Calvo 2000: 125), we find a religious voting of moderate strength for the PSOE in the context of the 1982 general elections. ...
Context 2
... line with previous findings (Montero and Calvo 2000: 125), we find a religious voting of moderate strength for the PSOE in the context of the 1982 general elections. The observation of the second column of Table 4 shows that the transit from being a "not a very practising Catholic", the reference category, to the two categories of highest religiosity was statistically significant, and in the correct direction. According to the expectations, stepping up in the religious scale jeopardized the odds of PSOE voting in 1982. ...
Context 3
... we will see right now, this stands in contrast with the case of AP voting in that same year, when the abortion variable was significant. 7 Table 4 Moving now to AP voting in 1982, it must be noted that, like in the case of the PSOE, a change in the reference category has revealed some aspects in the relationship between religiosity and conservative voting that were not obvious in our previous research (see Montero and Calvo 2000). 8 Most interesting of all is the certain symmetry that we have found between the models for this Spanish election. ...
Context 4
... A similar argument applies to the case of AP voting: while no clear orientations are found as to whether or not religiosity determined party support, the model helps to identify those that would be hardly ready to vote for this political party. Observing the third column of Table 4, the transit from the reference category to two of the less religious categories is statistically significant and in the correct direction. Non-religious people did not like AP in closely the same way that religious people were wary of the PSOE. ...
Context 5
... it is the impact on the significance of the independent variables what should interest us now. As for Spain-1982, as soon as ideology departs, religiosity is recuperated as an important predictor of PSOE voting (Table 4). Without ideology, religiosity gains new strength to explain not only negative voting preferences, as we saw before, but also positive ones. ...
Citations
... Während auf staatlicher Makroebene die einst so destruktive religiöse-antiklerikale Konfliktlinie gezielt deaktiviert wurde (Casanova 1994, S. 88;Calvo et al. 2006), kristallisierten sich auf Meso-Ebene im Verhältnis zwischen Kirchen-hierarchie, katholischer Wählerschaft und der PSOE bzw. der PP von Anfang an unterschiedliche Muster heraus. ...
Wer in Spanien zwischen 2010 und 2014 den Konflikt um die erneute Novellierung des Gesetzes zum Schwangerschaft sabbruch verfolgt hat, mag sich während der letzten vier Jahre oft mals verwundert die Augen gerieben haben. Im Mai 2010 hatte das spanische Parlament unter der liberalen Regierung Rodriguez Zapateros von der Spanischen Sozialistischen Arbeitspartei („Partido Socialista Obrera Español“, PSOE) einen Gesetzesentwurf verabschiedet, der auch im europäischen Vergleich dem Recht auf Schwangerschaftsabbruch überaus wenige Grenzen setzte: Demnach ist ein Eingriff bis zur vierzehnten Schwangerschaftswoche ohne Konsultation erlaubt, während Sechzehn- und Siebzehnjährige eine Abtreibung ohne elterliche Erlaubnis durchführen lassen können.
