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Tiivistelmä. Diss. -- Helsingin yliopisto.
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The role of post-1991 ethnic-based federalism on conflicts along regional boundaries has been a topic of great dispute in Ethiopianist literature. This article sheds new light on the on-going debate based on original ethnographic material from the Afar-Tigray regional border zone. Contrary to other studies, conflicts appear to have reduced in that ar...
Citations
... The statement that the government should reduce the size of protected areas to secure more land for community use was supported more by people in Arusha. This may be because, in Arusha, people have experienced a shortage of land for community use as larger parts of land might have been gazetted for different protected areas in their vicinity (Ojalammi, 2006). Furthermore, people believe that bush land that has been gazetted as a protected area is more fertile than other areas (Shivik, 2006). ...
This study used semi-structured interviews in two cities, Dodoma and Arusha, in Tanzania, to assess the difference in people’s conservation awareness between the two cities. Our results revealed that urban people were generally positive towards most statements related to biodiversity conservation in protected areas, and in a few cases, variations between people from different occupations and education levels were significant. For instance, 87% (n = 376) of our respondents agreed with the statement "The knowledge obtained through conservation education is very important in changing our attitude towards protected areas," as well as 71% (n = 376) of our respondents agreed with the statement that "It is important to involve school children in conservation education." We predicted that people in Arusha would be more positive toward all six conservation statements than people in Dodoma (the capital city) because Arusha is close to many protected areas and is a tourist hub. We also predicted that people in Arusha would have more knowledge and awareness of biodiversity conservation than those in Dodoma. However, this prediction was not supported as people from Dodoma were significantly more positive than people from Arusha. This indicates that people in Dodoma are more concerned about biodiversity conservation than people in Arusha. This variation might be influenced by the costs associated with conservation, as people in urban Dodoma live far from conservation challenges such as livestock depredation and/or crop raiding compared to people in urban Arusha.
... The mountain forests are classified as closed evergreen forests, which contain major tree species such as Fagaropsis anglolensis (Olmoljoi), Olea welwitschii (Ololiondo), Juniperus procera (Oltarakwa). Acacia species are dominant in open scattered valley forests (Ojalammi 2006). Short grass plains with a high net primary productivity during rains (Sinclair et al. 2002) are present to the South converging into Acacia/Commiphora woodland. ...
... The low numbers for other carnivores despite being lower than that of wild dogs could be due to high densities of livestock and human increased demand for cultivation (Ojalammi 2006) as well as drought during the survey period. In this study, the presence of low numbers of both large and small carnivores during the night surveys suggested that competition during wild dogs hunting would be low thus reduced inter-specific competition. ...
Masenga E, Hasan SN, Japhet K. 2018. Abundance, distribution, and conservation threats of African wild dog (Lycaon pictus) in the Loliondo Game Controlled Area, Tanzania. Asian J For 2: 31-41. Assessment of abundance, distribution, and conservation threats to African wild dogs was conducted in Loliondo Game Controlled Area (LGCA), northern Tanzania. Specifically, the study focused on determining population size and structure, spatial distribution, attitudes of local people towards wild dogs and wild dog conservation and threats impacting the species. Semi-structured interviews, diurnal random searches, internal and external examinations of wild dogs carcasses examined, and night transect surveys were employed. Eight packs with a total of 132 recognized individuals at an average pack size of 16.50 ± SD 7.50 individuals were recorded. Pack sizes 3 individuals were reported to be sighted mostly and of all respondents (n= 210), only 26% were able to recognize wild dog sexes. The density of both known and unknown wild dogs was 0.19 animals/km2, higher compared to other carnivores. In terms of distribution, most of the packs were concentrated in the northern part as compared to the central and southern parts of LGCA. The species was observed to occur most in woodland type of vegetation. Interestingly, 55.30% of respondents showed a positive attitude towards wild dogs and wild dog conservation despite that 52.90% of respondents dismissed lack of any conservation action or strategy in place towards conserving the species. However, poisoning and Canine Distemper Virus were identified as the main threats. Therefore, conserving African wild dogs in LGCA requires mult-approach conservation efforts (i.e. awareness rising to community, fitting radio telemetry to the dogs and threats management interventions) due to nature of the species.
... In this context, the land conflict in Loliondo, an area bordering the Serengeti National Park that is claimed by different actors for pastoralism, nature conservation and hunting tourism, has received considerable attention within academia (Bartels, 2016;Gardner, 2012;Nelson, 2010;Nelson & Ole Makko, 2003;Ojalammi, 2006), in reports of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) (Tanzania Natural Resource Forum & Maliasili Initiatives, 2011) but also in the national (Athumani, 2013;Kimati, 2013;Patinkin, 2013) and international media (Alexander, 1993;Smith, 2014). Loliondo is a division, the third lowest administrative unit in Tanzania, as well as a Game Controlled Area (GCA), which is a wildlife-protected area in which hunting is allowed (United Republic of Tanzania, 2009). ...
... These villages, inhabited mainly by Maasai pastoralists, fall within the 150,000 ha strip and would thus lose a large share of their rangelands/village land to the altered Loliondo GCA, since they would not be allowed to enter the GCA with their livestock anymore (Bartels, 2016;Tanzania Natural Resource Forum, & Maliasili Initiatives, 2011;United Republic of Tanzania, 2009. While a considerable number of qualitative studies of the long-lasting conflicts in Loliondo are available (Bartels, 2016;Gardner, 2012;Nelson & Ole Makko, 2003;Ojalammi, 2006), a biophysical account of the proposed alterations to the Loliondo GCA is lacking. ...
... The area has been affected by a sustained land conflict, which was inducted through the granting of a hunting license, valid for the entire Loliondo GCA to the trophy hunting company Ortello Business Corporation (OBC). Yet, the company operates mainly on a strip of land along the eastern border of the Serengeti (Bartels, 2014(Bartels, , 2016Gardner, 2012;Nelson & Ole Makko, 2003;Ngoitiko et al., 2010;Ojalammi, 2006;Tanzania Natural Resource Forum, & Maliasili Initiatives, 2011). With the aim of resolving the land conflict and implementing the new Wildlife Conservation Act of 2009, the Tanzanian government proposes to modify the size of the Loliondo GCA to the 150,000 ha strip of land anlog the Serengeti (Bartels, 2014(Bartels, , 2016United Republic of Tanzania, 2009. ...
Recent plans to alter the Loliondo Game Controlled Area (GCA), a nature conservation area located in Northern Tanzania, would result in substantial reduction of rangelands in the region. We quantify the current and hypothetical levels of the aboveground Human Appropriation of Net Primary Production (aHANPP) in one of the affected villages, and estimate the maximum exploitability rate of rangelands by livestock in the region. We find that the current aHANPP of the village amounts to 34–38% of the potential productivity, which could increase to 59–67% due to the altered GCA. On rangelands, livestock-induced aHANPP would increase from the current level of 30–34% to 54–61%, which is far above a maximum exploitability rate of 40–41%. Our results reveal that the intended changes to the Loliondo GCA will severely affect the current livelihood strategy of the Maasai, which is based on pastoralism.
... Ecologically, the northern part of Tanzania is classified as semi-arid (Ojalammi 2006). However, with a comparable higher precipitation, Ololosokwan can be classified in between the aridity categories dry sub-humid and semi-arid (Jahnke 1982, Pratt et al. 1966 The intra-annual dynamics are dominated by bimodal rainfall patterns. ...
... Based on my own observation I would still support this description. However, I also agree with Ojalammi (2006) observation which described a greater dependence on agricultural products and a decreased mobility in the Loliondo area as a result of reduction in accessible and productive pastures, and a decrease in livestock numbers (ibid. ). ...
... Thereby the different sections define the right of use for the resources within their localities. Members from other sections have to ask for permis-sion if they want use the rangeland of another section (Ojalammi 2006). However, the traditional spatial organization of the Maasai has started to erode since the Ujamaa Village Program, introduced by President Julius Nyerere in the Arusha Declaration of 1967, aims to implement villages (i.e. ...
The Tanzanian government intends to redraw the boundaries of the Loliondo Game Controlled Area (GCA). This wildlife-protected area is located in northern Tanzania and is adjacent to the eastern boarder of the Serengeti National Park. The implementation of the proposed boundaries of this GCA would result in massive land losses for several villages located in the area. This thesis aims to analyze the socio-ecological impacts of the establishment of the new Loliondo GCA on the pastoral community Ololosokwan, which would lose more than half of its village area due to the new GCA. For this purpose, the socio-ecological indicator “Human Appropriation of Net Primary Production” (HANPP) is applied.
... Photo: E Munishi (2011) Ngorongoro District is divided into three divisions, namely Ngorongoro, Loliondo and Sale Divisions. Ngorongoro and Loliondo Divisions are predominantly inhabited by the Maasai nomadic pastoralists, while the Sale Division is principally inhabited by the Wasonjo/ Watemi, who are mostly agro-pastoralists (Ojalammi 2006). Ngorongoro District has a population of around 129,000, based on the 2002 National Population census (URT 2011a). ...
... For the sake of simplification, Loliondo Division was considered as covering the villages of Loliondo, Sakala, Ngwarrwa/Enguserosambu, Oloirien/Magaiduru, Soitsambu, Ololosokwan, Oloipir, Arrash and Maalon villages. Sale Division is mainly inhabited by the agro-pastoralists and constitutes the villages of Tinaga, Mgongo, Kisangiro, Samunge, Yasimdito, Digodigo, Malambo, Piyaya, Pinyinyi and Engaresero (Ojalammi 2006). ...
... The exact number of the Maasai is hard to determine due to their nomadic way of life, also because Tanzania does not conduct a population census based on ethnicity. Nevertheless, the total Maasai nomadic pastoralist population is estimated at 350,000 in Tanzania and 400,000 in Kenya (Ojalammi 2006). ...
Rural-urban migration is increasingly becoming an important livelihood strategy in sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in Tanzania, and is in many ways viewed as a driving force behind the rapid urbanisation process within this region. Despite urbanisation being associated with benefits such as trade stimulation and the subsequent increase in governments’ revenue, it is also accompanied by threats such as higher commodity prices, unemployment, alarming crime rates, inadequate shelter and governments’ unpreparedness to combat them.
Maasai nomadic pastoralist youth, who started migrating to urban areas on a large scale from the 1990s onwards, are disadvantaged in many ways owing to their cultural, social, economic and political marginalisation since colonial times. In this context, important yet controversial questions include: What migration-related threats are likely experienced by the Maasai migrant youth and local households? How do they cope with these threats; indeed, do they manage to cope? How can migrants and households’ capacities be strengthened to more competently cope with such threats?
To tackle the above-posed questions, this study explored the influences of the rural-urban migration of Maasai nomadic pastoralist youth on the resilience of both the migrants in Dar es Salaam and local households in Ngorongoro District, Northern Tanzania. It specifically documented factors for and patterns of the rural-urban migration of the Maasai nomadic pastoralist youth, investigating the impact of rural-urban migration on the local households’ resilience and analysing migration-related threats encountered by the migrants in urban areas, as well as their coping strategies. Finally, this thesis suggests factors for enhancing migrants and households’ resilience against migration-related threats.
A myriad of migration theories was employed to understand factors behind migration patterns, while the multi-layered social resilience framework of (Obrist et al. 2010) was deemed suitable to explore migration-related threats for migrants and households, as well as their strategies of coping with them. A qualitative approach was adopted, although data was both qualitatively and quantitatively analysed. Respondents were both randomly and purposely selected and in-depth interviews were conducted with 50 Maasai migrants, 30 households and 30 key informants, including private and public institutional officials and community members at various levels in Dar es Salaam and Ngorongoro. In addition, five focus group discussions (FGDs), observations and the review of secondary data were also carried out.
The study revealed that Maasai migrant youth have been migrating to Dar es Salaam city mainly due to the household poverty emanating from the decline of pastoralism and agriculture, prompted by climate change, insufficient access to land, livestock diseases, unemployment and resource conflicts.
Rural-urban migration was catalysed by inconsistent land and development policies, social networks, migrants and households’ aspirations and technology, notably improved communication and transportation networks such as mobile phones and road networks.
Migration both positively and negatively influenced the households’ resilience. For instance, remittances from migrants enhanced households’ economic capital (notably livestock and agriculture), cultural capital such as food and health support, various household equipment and the improvement of formal education and skills. On the other hand, migration also subjected some households to threats related to financial constrains, inadequate human power and food insecurity. Household members coped with such threats by depending on informal affiliations (social capital), taking on extra work load, child labour and engaging in entrepreneurship activities (cultural capital), mainly at individual, household and community levels. However, they could rarely solicit support from meso, national and international levels.
Threats experienced by the Maasai migrants in Dar es Salaam chiefly concerned inadequate income and shelter, unemployment, oppression and exploitation, notably low and delayed labour returns and arbitrary job terminations, stigma and segregation, together with physical insecurity, notably falling victim to crime when working as security guards, typically due to a lack of proper equipment and security training.
On the one hand, migrants managed to solicit and utilise capitals from different social layers, thus developing ‘reactive’ and to a lesser extent ‘proactive’ capacities to competently cope with the aforementioned migration-related threats.
Specifically, migrants competently coped with the threats by utilising cultural capital at the individual level, such as migrants’ local knowledge and physical strength. They employed social capital at community and household levels, particularly rural-urban linkages and strong social networks among migrants, which enabled the sharing of resources such as food, finance shelter and working in groups to cope with the insecurity threat. To a lesser degree, migrants also employed aspects of economic capital such as livestock and agricultural products at the household level, as well as symbolic capital such as the Maasai social reputation and identity springing from Maasai culture and local traditions.
However, both the Maasai migrants and household members lacked formal skills and education, as well as structures that could support resilience building at meso, regional and national levels. Thus, equipping Maasai migrants and households with formal skills, the changing of land tenure policies and making government and private institutions more responsive to the migration threats affecting Maasai can significantly improve both the Maasai migrants and local households’ resilience against such threats.
... Tanzania was initially socialist, and despite economic liberalization since the mid 80s, land and natural resources remain under strong State control. In Kenya land tenure outside the core conservation areas has been privatized into individual small holdings, while in Tanzania land outside these core conservation areas is managed communally by village governments, though subject to State intervention (Ojalammi 2006). Part of Maasailand within each country is managed as Category I or II conservation estate, with no consumptive land use (Maasai-Mara National Reserve (MMNR), Serengeti National Park (SNP)), while other areas have experienced a range of land uses, from hunting (in Tanzania only) through mixed photographic tourism, livestock production and farming, mining and quarrying; to private land sales and property development in some sites ). ...
IntroductionPolitical and land-use policy contextHabitat and wildlife change in MaasailandIncome from tourism: wildlife viewing and hunting revenuesKenya: Maasai MaraTanzania: Longido DistrictWildlife conservation tourism in Maasailand: green development?Conclusion
References
... AsLandau (1998: 153) states: "The big game hunt in Africa was part of the theatre of imperial ideology". As a result, local populations were removed from their living environments and resettled, often on marginal land where they had to resort to illegal hunting, which was regarded as poaching(Matengu 2003;Ojalammi 2006;Hoole & Berkes 2010;Kreike 2010). Meanwhile, hunting was reserved for the colonial masters as an exclusive pleasure activity(Spierenburg & Wels 2006: 296). ...
... Similarly, other traditional user rights of local populations such as collecting firewood, medicinal plants and grass for thatching were severely restricted in the protected areas(Ferreira 2003: 38; Uddhammar 2006: 663). As a result, relationships between local communities and the conservationists were characterised by hostility and mistrust(Scheyvens 2002: 86;Ojalammi 2006). Furthermore, it has been claimed that the strict conservation measures alienated local people from wildlife, and this has frequently transformed wildlife from a valuable commodity into a threat and a nuisance(Johannesen & Skonhoft 2005: 209). ...
Academic Dissertation To be presented for public examination with the permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences in Audito-rium XV, Main Building of the University of Helsinki, on Saturday, October 15, 2011 at 10 am.
A study was conducted at Mshelemle hamlet in Magamba Village, Lushoto District, Tanzania to establish the perception of communities in ranking the importance of benefits derived from tree, shrub and herbaceous lines ecosystem. Four types of vegetation edge ecosystem were examined, namely tree line, herbaceous line, shrubs along road segments and field edge. A cross sectional design, remote sensing and GIS techniques coupled with field survey methods
were employed to collect primary data covering an area of 8,700 ha. The collected data was analysed statistically in SPSS and Geographic Information System (GIS) tools. The results show that majority of the road segments were dominated by Acacia meansii, Cyprus cupressas
and Grevillea robusta (tree lines); Dovyaris caffa, Mzutwe and CCM flowers (herbaceous plant lines) while Dovyaris caffa was the dominant shrub in most of the studied road segments.
Generally majority of the respondents (>90%) were aware on the existence of tree lines ecosystem followed by herbaceous lines (85%). It was observed further that only less than 65% of the respondents reported shrub lines as an important ecosystem. Significant number of the respondents (64.3%) was not aware on the existence of field edge ecosystem. Fuel, timber, poles, property protection, health, conservation of environment, ornamental, decorations, fodders for livestock and plot demarcation were the dominant benefits/functions derived from the studied ecosystem. The results demonstrated further that majority of respondents (over 80%) ranked fuel, timber and poles as important benefit derived from tree lines ecosystem followed
by herbaceous (76.6%), shrub lines (43.3%) and field edges (20%). The study observed that among the studied ecosystems, herbaceous lines form an important ecosystem for health which is perceived by the community as air filter to remove smoke, dust, and other pollutants from the air. The study has provided insights on community’s valuation of vegetation edge ecosystem for a rural landscape in a developing country. Given the heterogeneity of the landscape in various
agro ecological zones of Tanzania, a further study to compare different rural landscapes is recommended.
Key words: Vegetation edge ecosystems, Magamba Village, Lushoto District, Tanzania
This case study analyzes a land conflict in Loliondo, an area adjacent to the eastern border of the Serengeti National Park in northern Tanzania. The pastoralists of the area and a Dubai-based hunting company are competing over a strip of land of ~135,000 ha alongside the Serengeti. At the same time, the Tanzanian government claims the land in order to conserve the Greater Serengeti Ecosystem. The government intends to allocate the strip of land solely for nature conservation and hunting by excluding pastoralism. This chapter argues that the competition between the pastoralists and the hunting company is one over land-based ecosystem services. The intention of the government to allocate the contested strip of land to nature conservation and hunting only has fostered the competition, which has evolved into a conflict. It is shown that pastoralists are able to derive specific provisioning ecosystem services from the contested land also during the dry season. This makes the area most valuable for the food security of the pastoralists of the area, which will be destabilized by the current policies of the government.
