Figure 2 - uploaded by Gustavo D. Buzai
Content may be subject to copyright.
Source publication
Urban models are an important tool for understanding the social distribution of the population in the inner city. ey were initially proposed for the Anglo-American cities and they had to be adjusted to the description of the spatial structure of Latin American cities. is paper analyzes the evolution that these models have had since 1925 to the pres...
Context in source publication
Context 1
... new Latin American city model (Figure 2), based on the simplicity of the rst model, presents a spatial structure where six new ele- ments or processes are added to the original pattern where the main elements -the city center, the three concentric rings and the two sectors- remain. e new elements or processes are: (1) the cen- tral area is split up into two parts, the CBD and the mar- ket. is is due to the fact that in many Latin Ameri- can cities trade traditional functions appear together with the o ces of the ter- tiary sector of the economy; (2) a mall is localized at the end of the commercial spine as a new center towards the elite residential sector; (3) a peripheral industrial park is located on the opposite side of the mall representing a large-scale industry; (4) a peripheral ring road is rep- resented connecting the new external centralities mentioned in 2 and 3; (5) a well dee ned medium class residential zone appears surrounding the elite residential sec- tor and (6) a residential area of gentrii cation is shown between the CBD, the zone of maturity and the residential location of the upper social classes. ...
Citations
... This region is further divided into 6 provinces and 52 municipalities, 34 of which integrate our geographical unit of analysis: the Santiago Metropolitan Area, hereinafter referred to as AMS, after its Spanish acronym. Like other Latin American metropoles, the AMS exhibits large-scale segregation patterns characterized by a peripheral area where low-income sectors concentrate, a more socially heterogeneous centre and pericentre, and a wedge that emerges from the centre and extends towards a sector of the periphery where wealthier strata locate (Buzai, 2016;Rasse, 2016). It is worth noting that the AMS has undergone significant changes since the end of the XX century (Rodríguez-Vignoli, 2022;Rodríguez-Vignoli and Rowe, 2017;Sabatini et al., 2009). ...
In this study, we examine residential trajectories since birth among older adults in the Santiago Metropolitan Area, Chile, and their association with health outcomes. We linked retrospective residential information for a sample of 802 individuals aged 65-75 in 2019 to context-based information from decennial censuses. Our analysis reveals substantive heterogeneity in individuals' residential trajectories, thus mirroring social and urban changes in Chile's largest city. We found significant associations between residential histories and health outcomes at the time of the interview. Consistent residence in advantaged areas was linked to better health, whereas relocating to the metropolitan area from elsewhere was generally linked to poorer health, except for those moving to emerging middle-class areas. These findings underscore the importance of longitudinal and life course approaches in understanding the complex relationship between place and health.
... The authors who have studied urban expansion and dispersion in major cities of Latin America have highlighted their significant transformations, such as in Mexico City [10,11], Buenos Aires [12,13], Santiago [14,15], Sao Paulo [16], Bogotá [17], and Quito [18]. These cities experienced a trajectory of constant demographic and spatial growth between the 15th and 20th centuries [19]. All these authors concluded that economic globalization aides the development of information and communication technologies, which improves infrastructure and transportation. ...
... All these authors concluded that economic globalization aides the development of information and communication technologies, which improves infrastructure and transportation. These elements contribute to the fragmented form of the periphery [20] in major Latin American cities [19]. This situation leads to a discussion about the nature of urban growth based on two theories of geospatial organization: the compact city and the diffuse city [9,21]. ...
Throughout the 20th century and in the first decades of the 21st century, the geospatial dynamic exhibiting the highest rate of change globally corresponds to urban expansion surrounding metropolitan areas and large cities. Around intermediate-sized cities, there have also been rapid changes in their geographical space, but study in these areas has had less academic attention and development. Considering this context, this article intends to analyze the dynamics in the periurbanization of communes with intermediate-sized cities. In this study, three geographical criteria were defined for the definition of the study area and seven geospatial indicators of sociodemographic, socioeconomic and land occupation categories, with the purpose of determining the composition of the periurbanization process. Finally, the discussion presents a perspective on the dynamics of periurbanization, the interpretation of future projections identifying three geospatial phenomena and a proposal for a geospatial chorematic model with the composition of periurbanization, based on three subregional intermediate-sized cities in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago de Chile. This research contributes new reflections to the debate around spatial planning and periurban research in Latin America and the Global South.
... Initially, for Montoya Arenas, the interest of academia was in resolving Land 2024, 13, 494 3 of 20 Import substitution in Ecuador brought about several changes at the urban level, including greater industrial development, an increase in the supply of employment, and most importantly, the growth of the urban middle class. Industrialization and national production led to greater urban economic growth, creating cities of opportunity for urban dwellers [20]. Although the informal city is legally recognized, efforts to provide comprehensive support for its inhabitants often fall short, resulting in the implementation of mere "survival strategies" without addressing the underlying structural complexities [21][22][23]. ...
The transition between the urban and the rural in intermediate Andean cities has been consolidated, presenting a close relationship between socioeconomic dynamics and urban configuration. The peripheral neighborhood of San Cayetano, located in the city of Loja in southwestern Ecuador, presents multiple contradictory scenarios. Located on a hillside, the forms of adaptation to the challenging topography are diverse, fragile, and fragmented, especially because they present a dispersed image due to the proximity to the consolidated center. This study analyzes the spatial phenomena that have led to the integration of this neighborhood into the formal city, identifying recurrent spatial configurations that characterize the spatial fragment as a determinant in the configuration of the Andean periphery. To this end, official data are juxtaposed with on-site visits to identify the urban and architectural patterns of the neighborhood that contribute to defining this characteristic fragmentation of today’s peripheries. These patterns are then examined through mapping and graphic representation. As a consequence, the resulting urban plots are imposed on sloping land, leaving aside the natural characteristics of the terrain, which causes morphological alterations at the level of the natural, urban, and architectural landscape.
... Based on Robert Park and Ernest Burgess's concentric zone hypothesis, these theorists created numerous models for the location of various social groups in the territory, types of land use, and urban functioning. Since then, specific models have been developed for theorizing city structure in Latin America (Borsdorf, 1982;Borsdorf et al., 2002;Buzai, 2016;Crowley, 1995;Ford, 1996;Griffin & Ford, 1980;Janoschka, 2002). Moreover, understanding how urbanization evolves vis-à-vis features of the urban structure enables us to identify different phases in the urbanization process and its resulting transformations (Dureau & Imbert, 2018). ...
During the twentieth century, the Buenos Aires metropolitan area underwent a process of significant territorial and demographic growth. Highly heterogeneous peripheries were formed through the different migratory flows arriving in the city. The disparate ways the state has intervened in the metropolitan area, the logic of the market, and the practices of residents have produced spatial and social divisions beyond the classic center-periphery pattern. Furthermore, the asymmetrical provision of infrastructure and services has resulted in heterogeneous spatial quality in the peripheries, according to their location and position in the urbanization process. Thus, throughout the expansion and metropolization of the city during the twentieth century, different peripheries were produced: inner peripheries, former peripheries, and new urban peripheries. This article examines the urban, housing, and population dynamics of the inner and former peripheries in the metropolitan area from a comparative perspective. It analyzes settlement processes, the quality of housing stock, and infrastructure, with attention to the economic and political factors that have influenced them in the inner and former peripheries. The approach is based on data from the Spatial Mobility Survey (EME) applied to different housing submarkets on the fringes of the metropolitan area. We contend that it is impossible to speak of a single periphery. On the contrary, it is necessary to think about multiple peripheries in order to understand the processes shaping the inner and suburban fringes. In Buenos Aires, modes of housing production have shaped peripheral spaces that, despite being functionally integrated into the metropolis, retain their status as peripheries strongly marked by their morphology and land market dynamics. resumen: Durante el siglo XX, el área metropolitana de Buenos Aires experimentó un proceso de gran expansión territorial y demográfica. Con la llegada de diferentes flujos migratorios a la ciudad, se estructuraron periferias muy heterogéneas. Las formas en las que el Estado ha intervenido en la metrópoli, la lógica del mercado y las prácticas de los habitantes han estructurado un patrón de división social del espacio que supera la clásica diferenciación centro-periferia. La disímil provisión de infraestructura, equipamientos y servicios permitió una calificación heterogénea contribuyendo en la diferenciación periferias según su ubicación y su inserción en el proceso de urbanización. Así, a lo largo del siglo XX, en el proceso de expansión y metropolización de la ciudad, se configuraron distintas periferias: antiguas periferias, periferias conurbadas y nuevas periferias urbanas. Desde una perspectiva comparada, el artículo examina las dinámicas urbanas, habitacionales y poblacionales de las antiguas periferias y las periferias conurbadas del área metropolitana. Analiza los procesos de poblamiento, la calidad del parque habitacional y la infraestructura en las periferias interior y suburbana, teniendo en cuenta los condicionantes económicos y políticos. Lo hace con base en datos de la Encuesta de Movilidad Espacial (EME) aplicada en diferentes periferias y submercados habitacionales en el área metropolitana. Sostenemos que es imposible hablar de una sola periferia. Por el contrario, es necesario pensar en las periferias para comprender los procesos que configuran los bordes internos y suburbanos. En el el área metropolitana de Buenos Aires, los modos de producción de vivienda han condicionado espacios periféricos que, a pesar de estar integrados funcionalmente a la metrópoli, conservan su condición de periferias fuertemente marcadas por su morfología y dinámica de mercado de suelo.
... Then came Chauncy Harris and Edward Ullman, in 1945, who recognized several urban centers. All these models showed limitations in Latin American city studies (Buzai 2016). ...
... In 1982, Borsdorf published the first city model that included a historical and evolutionary view of cities (Buzai 2016). ...
... In 1995 Mertins recognized the presence of gated upper-class housing developments close to shopping malls as new centralities (Buzai 2016). This reinforced insular explanations of Latin American cities' peripheral growth. ...
The Latin American City Model has been a reference in regional segregation studies since the early twenty-first century. Despite over 20 years of continuous use, its approach has not accounted for the characteristics and processes relating to segregation in peripheral areas of Mexican cities. Consequently, we lack a comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon. This review is relevant in intermediary cities because segregation is manifest in varied forms in peripheral territories over which these cities are expanding. This article analyzes the model’s omissions, using empirical data from two peripheral municipalities of Morelia, Mexico. The methodology is based on a case study and guided by two key concepts: segregation and territory. The results showed the peripheral territories’ characteristics, which were used to adapt the model to the experience of Mexican intermediary cities.
... La distribución espacial observada en el índice de calidad de vida en el año 2010 a nivel de radios censales urbanos en la AGBA brinda la posibilidad de generalizar su interpretación si se la relaciona con aspectos modelísticos encontrados en el estudio de las ciudades de América Latina (Buzai y Marcos, 2012;Buzai, 2015). ...
La calidad de vida es un concepto de creciente interés tanto en la sociedad como en el mundo académico. Existen debates relacionados con su definición y metodología para estudiarla. Los trabajos empíricos permiten avanzar al analizar las condiciones de vida de la población para que los tomadores de decisiones adopten las medidas necesarias para su mejora. Se propone un índice de calidad de vida (ICV) como medida sintética que se aplica para analizar la distribución espacial de las condiciones de la calidad de vida de la población en el Gran Buenos Aires definiendo estructuras modelísticas para su análisis e interpretación.
... This model was later revised by Ford in 1996 [24], adding some novel elements but maintaining its principal characteristics. Although the steady decline in Latin American population growth since the 1980's has led to a constant improvement in the quality of public services and amenities for the inhabitants of more distant zones, showing evidence that these cities are converging towards an Anglo-American configuration [25], Buzai stated recently [26] that Ford's 1996 model remains valid. ...
... The steady decline in population growth in Latin America since the 1980s has alleviated some of the issues facing major cities, with constant improvement on the quality of public services and amenities for the inhabitants of the further away zones. Nevertheless, although there is some evidence that these cities are converging toward an Anglo-American configuration [25], Ford's 1996 model remains valid in many contexts [26]. ...
We propose an extension of the Davies et al. model, used to describe the London riots of 2011. This addition allows us to consider long travel distances in a city for potential rioting population. This is achieved by introducing public transport networks, which modifies the perceived travel distance between the population and likely targets. Using this more general formulation, we applied the model to the typical Griffin and Ford pattern for population distribution to describe the general features of most large Latin American cities. The possibility of long-range traveling by part of the general population has, for an immediate consequence, the existence of isolated spots more prone to suffer from rioting activity, as they are easier to reach than the rest of the city. These areas finally made it easier to control the eventual disorder by part of police forces. The reason for this outcome is that transport networks turn riots into highly localized and intense events. They are attracting a large police contingent, which will later extinguish the remaining disorder activity on the rest of the city. Therefore, working transport networks in a city effectively reduces the number of police force contingent required to control public disorder. This result, we must remark, is valid only if the model requisites for order forces are satisfied: extra police contingent can be added swiftly as required, and these forces can move around the city with total freedom.
... The growth of the agglomeration, which strengthens the current Megacity Buenos Aires, matches the models developed for the large cities of Latin America by Jurgen Bärh, Axel Bordorf, Larry Ford, and Günter Mertins during the 1980s and the 1990s, and specifi cally, with the model of city of islands presented by Michael Janoschka in 2002 (Buzai, 2016). During this last period, the foundation for these models can be determined as structures of a new geography of the urban structure processes of the megacities of Latin America (Buzai, 2020). ...
BOOK AVALILABLE IN https://www.wuw.pl/product-eng-15421-Sustainable-development-Crossing-borders-breaking-stereotypes-PDF.html // Thousands of pages have already been written on sustainable development. However, the subject is still relevant. Processes occurring in the environment, especially the climate change, only emphasize the need for further research and discussion on the subject. In this monograph we return to the issue of understanding and implementing the idea of sustainable development in Poland and Latin America. We also join the discussion on sustainable urban development and governance.
Finally, by presenting a few examples, we address the issue of the conflicting nature of sustainable development policies in some countries and regions. The book also introduces the reader to the issue of education on sustainable development.
... The steady decline in population growth in Latin America since the 1980s has alleviated some of the issues facing major cities, with constant improvement on the quality of public services and amenities for the inhabitants 235of the further away zones. Nevertheless, although there is some evidence that these cities are converging toward an Anglo-American configuration[25], Ford's 1996 model remains valid in many contexts[26]. Model for a Latin American City, afterFord and Griffin 1980. ...
We propose an extension of the Davies et al. model, used to describe the London riots of 2011. This addition allows us to consider long travel distances in a city for potential rioting population. This is achieved by introducing public transport networks, which modifies the perceived travel distance between the population and likely targets. Using this more general formulation, we applied the model to the typical Griffin and Ford pattern for population distribution to describe the general features of most large Latin American cities. The possibility of long-range traveling by part of the general population has, for an immediate consequence, the existence of isolated spots more prone to suffer from rioting activity, as they are easier to reach than the rest of the city. These areas finally made it easier to control the eventual disorder by part of police forces. The reason for this outcome is that transport networks turn riots into highly localized and intense events. They are attracting a large police contingent, which will later extinguish the remaining disorder activity on the rest of the city. Therefore, working transport networks in a city effectively reduces the number of police force contingent required to control public disorder. This result, we must remark, is valid only if the model requisites for order forces are satisfied: extra police contingent can be added swiftly as required, and these forces can move around the city with total freedom.
... Entonces, su eventual ocurrencia pondría en jaque las narrativas de la desconcentración sugerida por la emigración neta del amgs-e. Se trata de una discusión teórica muy en boga por los debates sobre las nuevas formas metropolitanas, crecientemente fragmentadas y sobre todo difusas (Brenner, 2014;Buzai, 2016), y la evidencia en algunos países de la región de flujos masivos de salida desde las grandes ciudades hacia localidades de su entorno que, si bien no son suburbios en sentido estricto, se hallan estrechamente vinculadas a la gran ciudad y podrían formar parte de una misma megápolis (Cunha, 2018). ...
Santiago concentra una fracción significativa de los recursos económico y humanos de Chile, pero hay debate sobre la persistencia de este patrón. La migración es decisiva para la redistribución y desconcentración demográficas. Para examinar empíricamente la eventual desconcentración de Santiago, precisar sus alcances territoriales, y estimar el papel de la migración en ella, se explotan los microdatos de los últimos 4 censos oficiales del país para generar indicadores tradicionales y novedosos. Además, se analizan otras dimensiones de la desconcentración, en particular la habitacional. Los resultados sugieren que la migración interna efectivamente abona a un proceso de desconcentración real de Santiago desde fines del siglo pasado, aunque esto ha sido contrarrestado por la inmigración internacional. Adicionalmente, la inflexión hacia la pérdida migratoria de Santiago ha sido segmentada y de hecho, paradojalmente, ha contribuido a reforzar la base de recursos humanos jóvenes y calificados de la ciudad.