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This study seeks to quantify the impact of the nonprofit sector on
economic development by more clearly defining the diverse roles that nonprofits
may play in development – instrumental, expressive, and connective. We begin
by summarizing existing research on nonprofit organizations and economic
development. Using secondary data, we test our model...
Context in source publication
Context 1
... our third model, we also include regional dummy variables (Northeast, South, and West) to control for differences in economic growth accounted for by geographic region (Rupasingha, Goetz, and Freshwater 2002). See Table 1 for a summary of variables. Table 2 provides the descriptive statistics for our model variables, including logarithmic transformations of our continuous independent and dependent variables. ...
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Citations
... The same problem presents in studies where the preferred measure for nonprofit presence is density (i.e., count of nonprofits divided by population). By relying on density as the preferred metric for capturing nonprofit presence, these studies (Brennan et al., 2014;Hayes et al., 2015;Paarlberg & Zuhlke, 2019;Prentice & Brudney 2016b) similarly fail to account for variance in the size and scope of the nonprofits under examination. ...
Much prior research explores the relationship between nonprofit location and various community and market characteristics to determine whether citizen demand drives nonprofit supply. As a widely used “policy tool” of government, nonprofits are expected to be responsive to the needs of the communities they serve. However, results are mixed and it remains unclear whether nonprofit markets are ideally distributed. This article builds on previous scholarship by: first, improving the market characteristics under examination; second, introducing multidimensional constructs for modeling community need; third, applying methodologies that account for spatial dependencies; and fourth, replicating the sector-wide analysis in two nonprofit subsectors. Results indicate consistency across subsector and suggest greater nonprofit supply in areas with less even markets and greater population. Contrary to popular conception, findings indicate evidence of less nonprofit supply in areas with greater demand and some potential “crowding-in” where nonprofit supply rises coincident with for-profit supply.
... Research has shown that participation in networks designed to promote economic development is an additional factor that may shape the number of development strategies used by a locality. The local economic development network within a jurisdiction may include numerous public, private, and nonprofit organizations (Brennan, Paarlberg, & Hoyman, 2013;Hoyman, McCall, Paarlberg, & Brennan, 2016;Porter, 1998;Rohe, 2011). 5 Both the number of organizational participants in networks and their level of participation may have a positive association with the number of strategies used by a local government (Morgan, 2010;Stokan, 2013;Zhang, Warner, & Homsy, 2017;Zheng & Warner, 2010). ...
Rubin (1988) argued communities “shoot anything that flies and claim anything that falls” in their efforts to attract businesses. Such a perspective implies local governments will use large numbers of strategies as they try “everything but the kitchen sink” to promote job creation and private investment. Conversely, Stokan (2003) claims localities are more selective in how they approach economic development, which implies there should be wide variation in the number of development strategies used across jurisdictions. Based on original survey data from North Carolina cities and counties of all sizes, the findings provide support for both explanations. The data show localities vary considerably with respect to the number of strategies they employ. Notably, variation in strategy use is associated with certain community characteristics including government capacity and development network strength. However, the data also reveal that communities are, on average, utilizing a relatively high number of strategies, lending some credence to Rubin’s theory.
... A strong relationship between local economic conditions and local philanthropy is saliently supported by the existing literature A Causal Effect of Energy on Local Philanthropy Through Mediators (Bekkers and Wiepking, 2007;Wiepking and Bekkers, 2010). Philanthropy-charitable giving of time and money for the public purpose-is considered as an outcome or indicator of community social cohesion (Barman, 2017;Brennan, Paarlberg, and Hoyman, 2013;Paxton, 1999). Local philanthropy largely depends on a supply of human and financial resources and requires a collective awareness of community issues, and constituents' willingness to support the redistribution of resources. ...
One way civil society strengthens democracy is by facilitating political participation. Established literature, for example, demonstrates that individuals with greater associational involvement are more likely to engage in politics. There is growing critique of this micro-level focus, however, and increasing acknowledgment that civil society impacts political participation not just at the individual level, but also at the organizational and structural level. This study helps address this critique by assessing whether civil society density, a structural-level characteristic, impacts political participation in Liberia. Using Round 6 Afrobarometer data, combined with a county-level civil society density measure, I test the relationship between civil society density and six forms of political participation, including conventional forms of participation such as voting, communing, and contacting, and unconventional forms such as participation in demonstrations/protests. How does civil society density influence these various forms of political participation? Does civil society density stimulate or inhibit conventional forms of activity such as voting? How about less conventional forms, such as demonstration/protest? Findings suggest higher civil society density in Liberia reduces a citizen’s propensity towards some forms of participation, including contacting a government official, contacting the media, refusing to pay taxes and fees, and participating in demonstrations and protests.
This article explores how local economic structure directly and indirectly affects community philanthropy. Drawing on campaign data for local United Way (UW) affiliates at three points in time (1990, 2000, and 2010), the article tests the degree to which the relationship between economic structure and community philanthropy is mediated through local stocks of human resources and social capital. The results suggest that retail employment and industrial concentration negatively affect local UW campaigns, while nonlocal ownership positively affects UW campaign size. These measures of economic structure also indirectly influence local UW fund-raising activities by affecting the levels of human resources and social capital. In the midst of global efforts to increase community-based philanthropy, these findings have important policy implications for efforts to promote community solutions to social issues in changing economies.
