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Jubbah palaeolake is located at the southerly extent of the Nefud desert. Major ancient caravan routes and trading towns (reproduced from MacDonald 2010) illustrate that the southern Arabia to Mesopotamia route passed the closest to Jubbah, and that Ha’il was its closest trading node.
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The authors have undertaken a systematic survey of rock art along the Jubbah palaeolake in northern Saudi Arabia and interpret the results using GIS. They conclude that the overwhelming majority of prehistoric rock art sites overlook contemporary early Holocene palaeolakes, and that the distribution of later Thamudic rock art offers insights into h...
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Context 1
... Arabia, Holocene, tenth millennium BP, Thamudic, rock art, palaeolakes, landscape, GIS In a recent synthesis on rock art interpretation, Chippindale and Nash (2004) emphasised that images and depictions must be interpreted within their landscape setting in order to appreciate why a particular setting was chosen. Such an approach, they surmise, is applicable at different scales—that of the rock surface on which a particular panel is painted or engraved, and the scale of the wider environment, which itself may change while the rock art endures. Previous research on the rock art of Arabia has largely focused on the imagery itself, with systematic surveys being rare. Here we present the first combined systematic survey and quantitative study of rock art distributions undertaken in the Arabian peninsula. The current study is part of a comprehensive programme of Late Pleistocene and Holocene archaeological research at Jubbah oasis, where palaeolake deposits have been identified (Petraglia et al . 2011, 2012). Our approach involved the systematic archaeological survey of four jebels (hills): Jebel Qattar, Jebel Gattar A, Jebel Gattar B and Jebel Katefeh. These are located south-west and east of a major rock art complex called Jebel Umm Sanman, which was surveyed in 1976 and 1977 (see Parr et al. 1978; Figures 1 & 2). The current survey covered 39km 2 and documented numerous animal and human depictions and inscriptions—for background see Parr et al . (1978), Khan (1993) and Aldowsari (2009). These fall into different chronological divisions which we refer to below as late prehistoric (Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Bronze Age), Thamudic and recent. The first aim of our research was to explore the spatial relationships between late prehistoric rock art sites and known palaeolakes in the area. Parr et al . (1978) hypothesised that late prehistoric rock art coincided with periods of high rainfall at Jebel Umm Sanman, where grazing bovids (i.e. wild or domesticated cattle), equids, ibex and caprids dominate the engravings. Radiocarbon dating of the main palaeolake at Jubbah, reported by Garrard et al . (1981), yielded a date of 6685 + − 50 BP (Q-3118), but this age should be treated with caution given the era in which it was obtained. We recently determined that palaeolake deposits beside Jebel Qattar had formed in the early Holocene (Crassard et al. in press). This fits well with other palaeoenvironmental evidence in the region for the early Holocene being more humid than its present day arid environment: a perennial lake existed 240km west of Jubbah at Tayma oasis between 10 000–9000 cal BP (Engels et al . 2012); an early Holocene humid phase (9250–7250 cal BP) is reported in cores taken from the Red Sea (Arz et al. 2003); and speleothem records at Soreq Cave in the southern Levant show an overall trend of increased precipitation from the onset of the Holocene to 7500 BP, with peaks at 8500 BP and 7500 BP (Bar-Matthews et al . 1997). The second aim of our research was to interpret the distribution of the Thamudic inscriptions and animal imagery around the jebels. Thamudic rock art is found primarily in desert environments of northern and central Arabia and to a lesser extent in southern Arabia, the Transjordan Plateau, the Negev Desert and Egypt (Al-Theeb 1999, Anati 1999; MacDonald 2010). The writing belongs to a branch of scripts known as South Semitic, which were written in Arabia from about the middle of the first millennium BC to the arrival of Islam (Beeston 1981; Shah 2008). They are usually divided into Groups A–E but these divisions are widely accepted as needing revision (see Al-Theeb 1999; MacDonald 2010). The scripts are poorly dated. A text bearing the name of the mid sixth century BC Babylonian king Nabonidus is the earliest known, while the latest is an inscription dated to AD 267 (MacDonald 2010). MacDonald (2010) believes Thamudic B, C and D scripts were written by nomadic peoples who had learned how to write from merchant traders at oasis towns such as Dedan, Tayma or Dumah (Dumat al Jundal). Such merchants crossed central Arabia en route from southern Arabia to the Near East during the first millennium BC (Figure 1). Camels were the main pack animal of the caravan routes. The dromedary camel arrived in south-eastern Arabia about 5000–6000 years ago (Uerpmann & Uerpmann 2002). It is absent in late prehistoric art but is often depicted with Thamudic inscriptions (Parr et al. 1978; Khan 2007). Thamudic imagery at Jubbah also includes ibex and other species of goat, felids, ostrich, human figures, horse riders and palm trees (Parr et al. 1978). Three of the sandstone jebels surveyed lie 16km east of Jebel Umm Sanman. Jebel Qattar (elevation: 800m base, 892m top) is c. 600m long × 400m wide, with a north-south orientation. Many boulders lie on the base of the jebel, and ancient lake deposits are visible immediately to the north and east. Jebel Gattar A (elevation: 830m base, 930m top) is of a similar size to Jebel Qattar but with an east-west orientation and with dune sand running up the middle on both sides and breaching its centre. Jebel Gattar B (elevation: 840m base, 870m top) is one third of the size of its neighbours. The main palaeolake of Jubbah is less than a 30-minute walk away over the dunes to the west and is visible from the upper western slopes of these jebels. The fourth, Jebel Katefeh (elevation: 830m base, 1020m top), offers a useful point of contrast as it is 26km west-southwest of the other three and is 14.5km south-west of Jebel Umm Sanman. It is 1km long × 500m wide, oriented north-south, and overlooks its own palaeolake to the east. The rock art was surveyed using handheld GPS and a total station. The lower reaches of the four jebels were systematically surveyed on foot while the middle and upper reaches were surveyed where it could be done safely. Each site was recorded and photographed and the data entered into a spatial database. Attribute data included coordinates, condition, visibility, method and style of application, density and type of content depicted, writing style and orientation, and association with other forms of cultural evidence. Google Earth photography and Aster 30m digital terrain models were used to make the maps, and analysis was undertaken in ESRI ArcGIS 9.3 software. A total of 107 rock art sites were recorded (recent: 23, Thamudic: 60, late prehistoric: 45) (Table 1). A few sites contained multiple phases. Late prehistoric and Thamudic feature in similar numbers at Jebel Katefeh and Jebel Qattar with Thamudic styles dominant at Jebel Gattar A and B. Eight sites contain richly decorated panels, 16 are of medium density, and 73 are of low density. The survey also documented 19 lithic scatters, 13 sites with one or more cairns, and the remnants of seven walled structures. The rock art is predominantly found along the base of the jebels, although variation was detected between phases (Table 2). A chi-square test revealed that fewer occurrences of Thamudic rock art than expected are located up the jebels in comparison to late prehistoric sites ( n = 90, 3 d.f. = 16.23, p > 0.037). Instead, Thamudic sites are on boulders scattered on the base of jebels or on bedrock. 13 late prehistoric sites are higher up the jebels, notably JQ-34, 42, 43, 44 and 45 on Jebel Qattar. A total of 23 recent rock art sites were recorded. These comprise unpatinated engravings of Arabic script that were most often carved with a metal object. The script is commonly a person’s name with a date in the 1400s of the Hijri calendar, meaning the words were inscribed within the last 30 years. A few of the undated Arabic inscriptions were pecked with another stone rather than carved using metal, providing a link with Thamudic inscriptions and suggesting greater antiquity. There are depictions of mounted camels and occasionally fight or battle scenes with ‘stick-figure’ people using lances to fight on horses. There are also scenes that resemble Thamudic styles of people hunting ostriches with rifles, and an image of a motor vehicle. Thamudic rock art is comprised exclusively of pecked engravings with low levels of patination. It is dominated by Thamudic inscriptions and depictions of camels (Figures 3 & 4). There are 42 sites with inscriptions. Most are written vertically, while some rarer longer ones are written horizontally. Site JQ-6 on Jebel Qattar has an exceptional series of short horizontal inscriptions on a boulder on the base of the jebel (Figure 5). It is written in Thamudic B, in contrast to five other sites with vertical inscriptions on the same jebel (JQ-3, 6, 23, 31 & 40) which are written in Thamudic C or D. These sites contain lines written in pairs of 4–6 Thamudic characters (Figure 6). Other examples contain only 1–4 characters. Some may be wusum signs—tribal signs left throughout the ages (Khan 2000). Thamudic-style camels were found at 36 sites (Table 3). The majority (25 out of 36) are associated with Thamudic inscriptions, especially on Jebel Gattar A and B, where all but one camel have an associated inscription. Sometimes an image of a camel and a short vertical inscription are ...
Context 2
... rock art sites on the jebel, and from three sites on neighbouring Jebel Gattar A. Two sites on the opposite side of Jebel Qattar overlook the main palaeolake at Jubbah, which is 1km to the west of the jebel (Figure 7). The pattern is striking at Jebel Katefeh, where 22 out of 25 sites overlook a palaeolake to the east; only three sites are not on the lake-facing slopes of this jebel (Figure 8). The relationship between the animals depicted in the rock art and the presence of palaeolakes is unlikely to be a coincidence. A humid climate would have allowed grassland habitats to develop in the vicinity of the palaeolakes, probably on a seasonal basis. Such habitats would have supported the cattle and ibex that feature in the rock art. Further information comes from other aspects of the archaeological survey. JQ-101, a multi-period archaeological site, was identified beside the Jebel Qattar palaeolake. Its lithic assemblage included Pre-Pottery Neolithic A El-Khiam points, early Pre-Pottery Neolithic B Helwan points and Chalcolithic points. The limited evidence for other phases of the lithic reduction sequence and the absence of structures or storage pits suggest that the site was occupied seasonally. The El-Khiam and Helwan points correspond very well with the early Holocene age for the palaeolake at Jebel Qattar (Crassard et al . in press). It seems highly likely, therefore, that at least some of the late prehistoric art was made by early Holocene populations on seasonal visits to Jubbah. Elsewhere, the cairns in the study area await classification and investigation. Cairns are ubiquitous across Arabia and typically date to the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age (Parr et al. 1978). A total of 28 cairns were recorded at 13 sites. The highest number is at Jebel Katefeh (18 cairns at six sites) followed by Jebel Qattar (seven cairns at five sites) and Jebel Gattar A (three cairns at one site). Eight are large ( > 5m in diameter, e.g. JKF-20) and the rest medium-sized (2m × 2m to 5m × 5m). Only one cairn is linked to a rock art site (JQ-31), where a cairn is located in front of a collapsed rockshelter. No cairns were inscribed with late prehistoric rock art and no patterns were apparent in the distribution of cairns and rock art at Jebel Qattar. At Jebel Katefeh, cairns cluster at the south-eastern base of the jebel, over an area measuring 500m × 150m (Figure 8). The expedient nature of Thamudic rock art and its focus at the jebel bases suggest that it was made by transhumant people. The lack of material remains, the limited themes presented in the rock art, and the profusion of camel images, which are occasionally mounted, all suggest that the people who created this rock art were nomadic. This supports MacDonald’s (2010) hypothesis that many nomadic societies in ancient Arabia were literate and were profligate at marking graffiti on rocks in the desert. Nomadic literacy, he suggests, came about from nomadic peoples coming into contact with merchant traders. The distribution of Thamudic rock art around the bases of Jebel Qattar and Jebel Gattar A and B exhibits a clear difference from late prehistoric rock art, in that the focus on palaeolakes was lost. Instead, the art is more evenly dispersed around the jebels but with an emphasis on their western sides, mainly on boulders on the base. One explanation for why Thamudic art is not focused on the palaeolakes is the possibility that these had dried up by the first millennium BC. The location of Thamudic art on the western sides of the jebels may be due to these areas receiving sufficiently high seasonal humidity to support grazing land (consider Lancaster & Lancaster, 1999: 108–109). However, no palaeoenvironmental evidence exists to support this premise, and the absence of Bos depictions in the Thamudic rock art would suggest that cattle were not grazed here at this time. A plausible hypothesis for the location of Thamudic art at Jebel Qattar and Jebel Gattar A and B is that it may reflect the route in which nomadic peoples, merchant traders and other travellers moved through the landscape as they traversed between Jubbah and neighbouring settlements to the south of the Nefud, such as the town of Ha’il. This town is 90km south- east of Jubbah and was an important node on the southern Arabia to southern Mesopotamia trade route in the first millennium BC (MacDonald 2010). There are no recorded ancient caravan routes between Ha’il and Jubbah to support this hypothesis, but given that the jebels are highly visible in the landscape and are situated near the narrowest crossing point of the desert, it is not inconceivable that merchant traders, caravanserai or nomadic peoples passed through and encountered or made the rock art (Figure 3). The predominance of Thamudic rock art on the east side of Jebel Katefeh could also be an indicator of a caravan route (Figure 4). This route would have linked Jubbah to the major southern Arabia to northern Mesopotamia/Levant trade route (Figure 1). The likely destination was Tayma, a trading town where numerous Thamudic inscriptions have been recovered (Eichmann et al . 2006; MacDonald 2010). The information presented above concerning rock art at four jebels in Jubbah shows the merits of interpreting rock art from a landscape perspective. Our results indicate that 82 per cent of late prehistoric rock art overlooks palaeolakes. This suggests that occupation took place during wet phases of the early Holocene. The elaborate nature of the late prehistoric art, along with its restricted horizontal distribution in the landscape, and its extensive vertical distribution at prime locations, suggest relatively long-term occupation. The absence of settlement structures indicates that this occupation stopped short of permanent settlement. However, the discovery of stone points and the common depiction of wild animals such as ibex, as well as humans with bows and arrows, suggest that the localities were used as seasonal hunting grounds. Spatial analysis of Thamudic rock art identified possible trade routes through the Jubbah landscape, based on the prevalence of camel depictions and inscriptions at the eastern base of Jebel Katefeh and on the western bases of Jebel Qattar and Jebel Gattar A. Variations in cultural adaptations and landscape-use behaviours therefore appear to be linked to changes in environments. Future research at Jubbah will further assess the relationships between rock art distribution, ecological settings and landscape ...
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... Recent research conducted on the Holocene funerary-avenue distribution in northwest Saudi Arabia highlighted 2,360 avenue segments, most of them presented in clusters of pendants and tumuli in the Khaybar and al Ha'it regions . Moreover, several prehistoric localities documented in the region of Ha'il and the southern margin of the Nefud desert close to al Ha'it showed promising Paleolithic, Neolithic, and Bronze Age sites, some of them contained monumental stone structures, such as pendants, kites, and mustatils (Almushawh 2018;Breeze et al. 2015;Jennings et al. 2013;Miller et al. 1989). The major late prehistoric sites in this part of Arabia with multiple monumental stone structures are mainly found in the areas of the Jubbah basin, Al Maraat basin, Jebel Oraf basin, and the Faid area (Groucutt and Carleton 2021;Guagnin et al. 2020;Jennings et al. 2016;Nassr and Elhassan 2020). ...
... The region of al Ha'it with its remains of settlements and figurative depictions obviously offers more archaeological features than just the monumental stone structures. The finds resemble the cultural contexts identified in the wider region of Ha'il, specifically those of the sites of Shuwaymis and Jubbah (Jennings et al. 2013;Groucutt et al. 2020). ...
Increased archaeological fieldwork in Saudi Arabia is contributing toward a more precise general idea about ancient Arabia. Moreover, the history of Arabian archaeology demonstrates that major discoveries and advances have been achieved as a result of systematic field enterprises. However, several regions in Saudi Arabia remain unstudied. One such major area is Ha’il in the north. Our intensive desktop-archaeological survey using remote sensing revealed the region’s archaeological richness. Several monumental structures were observed in the al Ha’it oasis. Based on those findings, we conducted an archaeological survey and excavations, resulting in the discovery of eight new archaeological sites. Three major types of funerary stone structures identified in this area include pendants, tumuli, and tower tombs. In addition, we encountered mustatils and kites of the Neolithic and Bronze Age. This article presents the investigations carried out in these new sites and places them within the context of Arabian archaeology.
... In the case of Ha'il region, although several prehistoric research studies have been conducted in the southern margin of the Nefud desert (Almushawh 2018; Jennings et al. 2013;Miller et al. 1989) and a number of Palaeolithic sites have been documented, there are still many unexplored areas. Some Palaeolithic sites have been recorded in the Jubbah basin, Al Maraat basin and Faid area Jennings et al. 2016;Nassr & Elhassan 2020). ...
Ha’il region in northwest Saudi Arabia is characterized by the presence of oases, flat plains, Paleo-lakes, and lava fields, which are some of the main landscape characteristics in which Palaeolithic sites have been found in the region. It is located on one of the routes of early hominin dispersal across Arabia. The ongoing archaeological research made by the Paleodeserts and Disperse projects have recorded several Acheulean and Middle Palaeolithic sites in such localities as Jubbah basin in the Nefud desert (Groucutt et al. 2021; Petraglia et al. 2015; 2019), yet large parts of the region are still unexplored.
The ground archaeological survey conducted by the authors at Al-Huwaidy village, 70 km southwest of Ha’il town, has led to the discovery of a unique Palaeolithic site on the margin of a palaeo-oasis, close to a volcanic mountain. The archaeological site consists of an agglomeration spread of lithics covering an area of basaltic field and outcrops. Numerous handaxes have been documented on the surface and the profiles of current water canal shafts. The site setting and the quantity and quality of lithics from Large Cutting Tools (LCT), including typical handaxes, foliate handaxes, Acheulean cores and flakes, indicate that the site represents a new and interesting extension of Palaeolithic archaeology in the northwest of Arabia similar to Palaeolithic characteristics in the Jubbah basin. Thus, this discovery has a direct relevance in assessing the distribution of Palaeolithic sites in the Ha’il region, showing that they not only occur in the northern area (Nefud desert), but also in the different landscape (basaltic lava field) in the southern part of the region.
... A further implication of the initial statement of this section is that manifestations of rock art arose over a very long period under climatic and environmental conditions that often are no longer in balance with those of today (e.g., [2,5,33,34]). This has been primarily explored in arid lands of the Old World, where rock art representations dating to the latest Pleistocene and the Early and Middle Holocene preserve evidence of a fauna assemblage not compatible with the present-day biome of the Saharan and Arabian deserts (e.g., [1,31,[35][36][37][38][39]), thus suggesting the occurrence of major, regional climatic shifts. Such significant climatic and environmental changes involved all of the components of the landscape. ...
Rock art is a widespread cultural heritage, representing an immovable element of the material culture created on natural rocky supports. Paintings and petroglyphs can be found within caves and rock shelters or in open-air contexts and for that reason they are not isolated from the processes acting at the Earth surface. Consequently, rock art represents a sort of ecosystem because it is part of the complex and multidirectional interplay between the host rock, pigments, environmental parameters, and microbial communities. Such complexity results in several processes affecting rock art; some of them contribute to its destruction, others to its preservation. To understand the effects of such processes an interdisciplinary scientific approach is needed. In this contribution, we discuss the many processes acting at the rock interface—where rock art is present—and the multifaceted possibilities of scientific investigations—non-invasive or invasive—offered by the STEM disciplines. Finally, we suggest a sustainable approach to investigating rock art allowing to understand its production as well as its preservation and eventually suggest strategies to mitigate the risks threatening its stability.
... These different techniques appear in different constellations throughout the known ensembles of prehistoric rock art sites across Arabia (e.g. Angás et al. 2021;Guagnin et al. 2015;Jennings et al. 2013;Khan 2013;Zerboni et al. 2021;Ziolkowski 2007). The large carved 3D engravings from the Camel Site, however, have, so far, no known equivalent throughout the Neolithic of the Arabian Peninsula, making a comparison of both carving techniques and the characteristics of stone tools used difficult. ...
The Camel Site is in the north of Saudi Arabia in the province of al-Jawf. It is characterised by three decaying sandstone hillocks with life-sized 3D engravings (or reliefs) of camels and equids likely carved during later prehistory. A survey in the central area of the site identified clusters of flakes and other flintknapping remains in the lower areas between the sandstone spurs and larger silcrete tools directly underneath the animal depictions. Some of these tools presented abraded edges, possibly from prolonged contact with the soft and abrasive sandstone that constitutes the rock spurs where the animals were carved. Experiments were performed to test this hypothesis and have a reference collection for further traceological analysis. The chaine opératoire of the experimental engraving tools, from raw material procurement, tool manufacture and use, reuse and discard, was conducted with locally available materials comparable to the archaeological specimens. Specific experimental variables, including how the force was applied, in what direction the movement took place and the orientation of the stone tool during the experiment, were also recorded. Macro- and microscopic analyses of the experimental collection and a sample of archaeological artefacts seem to show that the ancient tools found on the surface were probably used to make the camelid and equid reliefs at the site.
... Changes in subsistence and technological advances are visible in the form of hunting scenes, the emergence of domesticated livestock, weaponry and writing, and chart the progression of prehistoric human populations from the Epi-Palaeolithic/Pre-Neolithic to the Neolithic, Bronze and Iron Ages and into the more recent historic periods (see for examle Aksoy, 2017;Guagnin et al., 2017a;Khan, 2007;Newton and Zarins, 2000). Two sites that have received particular attention are Jubbah and Shuwaymis, where thousands of engravings document Neolithic fauna and lifestyles (Guagnin et al., 2015;Guagnin et al., 2016;Jennings et al., 2013;Jennings et al., 2014;Macholdt et al., 2018). ...
... The increase in activity in the late Neolithic thus appears to relate to a period of increased ritual expression of which the rich body of Neolithic rock art in this region may also have formed a part (Guagnin et al., 2017a;Andreae et al., 2020). Although occupation subsequently appears to have become more sporadic across northern Saudi Arabia, symbolic landscapes continued to form an important part of prehistoric life, whether in the form of megalithic structures, platforms, cairns or rock art sites (Gebel, 2016;Jennings et al., 2013;Munoz et al., 2020). In this broad context, we believe that the exceptional Camel Site, which was very probably a gathering place with important symbolic function , brings new insight on the complex societal and ceremonial picture of the prehistoric period in northern Arabia. ...
The life-sized, naturalistic reliefs at the Camel Site in northern Arabia have been severely damaged by erosion. This, coupled with substantial destruction of the surrounding archaeological landscape, has made a chronological assessment of the site difficult. To overcome these problems, we combined results from a wide range of methods, including analysis of surviving tool marks, assessment of weathering and erosion patterns, portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometry, and luminescence dating of fallen fragments. In addition, test excavations identified a homogenous lithic assemblage and faunal remains that were sampled for radiocarbon dating. Our results show that the reliefs were carved with stone tools and that the creation of the reliefs, as well as the main period of activity at the site, date to the Neolithic. Neolithic arrowheads and radiocarbon dates attest occupation between 5200 and 5600 BCE. This is consistent with measurements of the areal density of manganese and iron in the rock varnish. The site was likely in use over a longer period and reliefs were re-worked when erosion began to obscure detailed features. By 1000 BCE, erosion was advanced enough to cause first panels to fall, in a process that continues until today. The Camel Site is likely home to the oldest surviving large-scale (naturalistic) animal reliefs in the world.
... In recent years, a number of studies highlighted the rich rock art record of the Arabian Peninsula (e.g. Anati, 1968Anati, -1974Ash Shari, 1994;Nayeem, 2000;Crassard, 2013;Jennings et al., 2013;Bednarik, 2017;Guagnin et al., 2017), and in particular of the Sultanate of Oman (e.g. Clarke, 1975aClarke, , 1975bPreston, 1976;Jackli, 1980;Insall, 1999;Yule, 2001;Khan, 2007;Al-Jahwari and ElMahi, 2013;Fossati, 2017;Tokunaga et al., 2019). ...
The preservation of rock art in open-air contexts is a global issue controlled by several environmental processes, which are less investigated than the cultural significance of engravings and paintings. For that reason, we discuss the age, preservation, and palaeoenvironmental context of petroglyphs discovered on the flat, almost vertical face of a large boulder fallen along the western slope of Jabal Hammah, a rocky hill that borders the oasis of Salut (northern Sultanate of Oman). Geoarchaeological investigation highlighted that in the region the preservation of petroglyphs is due to the interplay of two contrasting weathering processes. On one hand, karst dissolution – even if it is a very slow process in arid and semi-arid lands – gradually levels the surface of boulders. On the other hand, a biomineralized Mn- and Fe-rich rock varnish has developed inside the grooves of the engravings, thus sheltering them from extreme dissolution and promoting the preservation of the pristine shape of the representations. Moreover, organics trapped within the rock varnish have been radiocarbon dated to 2600 ± 60 uncal. years BP. This result allows establishing a limit ante quem for the production of these specific engravings and to root it to the Bronze or Iron Age exploitation of the area. This result is of particular relevance in a region where well-dated rock art is virtually absent. Today, the biogeochemical processes leading to the formation of the protective crust are almost inactive, and not consistent with the present dry environmental settings. Their occurrence is in accordance with other local palaeoclimatic record, and suggests Bronze and Iron Age climatic conditions wetter than today. A broader implication of our work is that it shows how a multidisciplinary approach to the study of rock art provides the opportunity of understanding the age of rock art and its paleoenvironmental significance. We demonstrate that physical, chemical and biological weathering processes are in charge of the preservation and/or destruction of rock art; such processes have to be seriously taken into account in projects of rock art field assessment.
... Two other inscriptions represent the late Sabaic ductus (#1386/87 and #1546/47), which belongs to the ASA scripts (also called Old South Arabian, Sabaic, or Sabaean). These scripts began to be used around 3000 BP, but more frequently after 2800 BP, and their last documented use is in 1440 BP (Drewes et al., 2013;Jennings et al., 2013;Macdonald, 2010;Parr et al., 1978;Stein, 2013). The late Sabaic ductus has been dated to about 1600-1440 BP (Stein, 2013). ...
We investigated rock varnish formed on sandstone and petroglyphs in the Hima area, southwestern Saudi Arabia. To characterize the rock varnish, we made in-situ measurements by portable x-ray fluorescence (pXRF) and analyzed samples by femtosecond laser-ablation inductively coupled–plasma mass spectrometry (fs LA-ICP-MS). Detailed chemical analysis of the rock varnish samples and adjacent soil or aeolian dust yielded information about the varnish’s geochemical context and formation mechanism. Untypically low positive Ce anomalies in the rock varnish samples correlated with negative Ce anomalies in the dust, supporting the hypothesis that the dust is the source of the varnish material. To study the varnish development, we made use of the fact that engraving the petroglyphs exposes a fresh bare sandstone surface without varnish, on which varnish regrows subsequently. We determined by pXRF the areal density of manganese (Mn) and iron (Fe) that had been deposited as rock varnish since the creation of the rock art. The rates of Mn deposition in the newly formed varnish were then estimated by correlating the areal density of Mn in Ancient Arabian and Old Arabic inscriptions with their known age ranges. The observed deposition rates showed substantial variability resulting from differences in exposure conditions of the rock surface, but were in a range comparable with that of our previous measurements in northwestern Arabia. This variability could be reduced significantly by referencing the measurements to the intact varnish adjacent to the individual petroglyphs. This normalization provided a much clearer relationship between varnish deposition and age, and enabled tentative ages to be assigned to rock art motifs without previously known ages. These tentative ages spanned most of the Holocene period and were consistent with the culturally or ecologically derived ages of the animal and human figures depicted in the rock art and the styles of scripts used in different periods.
... Of great help for the dating of the rock art are rock inscriptions in a number of Arabic-related Semitic languages and dialects, such as Nabatean, Safaitic, and especially Thamudic, used in Arabia since approximately the mid-first millennium bce, until the advent of Islam in the seventh century ce (Betts 2001b). Not only do these inscriptions help to clarify the age of associated artworks, but they also bear the testimony of literate nomadic societies that travelled along caravan routes (Jennings et al. 2013). Predominant among these in southern Jordan was a dialect referred to as Thamudic E, otherwise known as Hismaic, popular in the region of the Hisma Desert. ...
This chapter discusses the rock art traditions of Northern, Central, and Western Asia, first providing an overview of the chronological-cultural context of much of the known rock art in Northern and Central Asia before describing the main geographical concentrations of rock paintings and petroglyphs in the area. In particular, it examines the dilemmas with regards to ascertaining the age of ‘Stone Age’ rock art, along with the presence of chariots in rock art as an iconographic determinant of the Bronze Age. It also considers the association of the Bronze Age with the expansion of Indo-Iranians, expansion of Buddhism through Central Asia as reflected in the rock art, relation of Siberian rock art to shamanism, and major rock art regions of Northern and Central Asia. It concludes by assessing the rock art of Western Asia and how the advent of Islam in mid–seventh century ad changed Arabian traditions of rock art.
... Recent fieldwork in both northeast and southeast Jordan has demonstrated that this region was actually much more densely populated during the late Epipalaeolithic and the end of the Neolithic than previously thought (Akkermans, Huigens, & Bruning, 2014;Bertrams et al., 2012;Rambeau et al., 2011;Richter, 2017;Rollefson, Rowan, & Wasse, 2014;Rowan et al., 2015). Recent fieldwork in Saudi Arabia is extending the archaeological record of Neolithic occupation associated with palaeolake deposits and watercourses that were created/activated in the early Holocene (Breeze et al., 2017;Jennings et al., 2015;Matter et al., 2016). Consideration of sea-level changes since the LGM and related marine transgression in the Persian Gulf indicate that previous potential areas of refugia for people during periods of climate-induced stress are now submerged (Cuttler, 2013;Rose, Černý, & Bayoumi, 2013). ...
The Fertile Crescent, its hilly flanks and surrounding drylands has been a critical region for studying how climate has influenced societal change, and this review focuses on the region over the last 20,000 years. The complex social, economic, and environmental landscapes in the region today are not new phenomena and understanding their interactions requires a nuanced, multidisciplinary understanding of the past. This review builds on a history of collaboration between the social and natural palaeoscience disciplines. We provide a multidisciplinary, multiscalar perspective on the relevance of past climate, environmental, and archaeological research in assessing present day vulnerabilities and risks for the populations of southwest Asia. We discuss the complexity of palaeoclimatic data interpretation, particularly in relation to hydrology, and provide an overview of key time periods of palaeoclimatic interest. We discuss the critical role that vegetation plays in the human–climate–environment nexus and discuss the implications of the available palaeoclimate and archaeological data, and their interpretation, for palaeonarratives of the region, both climatically and socially. We also provide an overview of how modelling can improve our understanding of past climate impacts and associated change in risk to societies. We conclude by looking to future work, and identify themes of “scale” and “seasonality” as still requiring further focus. We suggest that by appreciating a given locale's place in the regional hydroscape, be it an archaeological site or palaeoenvironmental archive, more robust links to climate can be made where appropriate and interpretations drawn will demand the resolution of factors acting across multiple scales.
This article is categorized under:
• Human Water > Water as Imagined and Represented
• Science of Water > Methods
• Water and Life > Nature of Freshwater Ecosystems
... Crassard et al. (2013b) dated the lake deposits as 9000-8000 years BP based on calibrated radiocarbon ages. Prehistoric rock art near the lake documents human occupation during wet periods (Jennings et al. 2013). Interestingly, Hilbert et al. (2014) described two different lake phases from the Jubbah Basin based on optically stimulated luminescence dating, the first occurring during the last part of the Terminal Pleistocene prior to c. 12,200 years BP, and the second after 6600 years BP. ...
Holocene climate in North Africa and on the Arabian Peninsula has undergone major changes. In this contribution, we review hydroclimate and temperature changes in the region over the past 15,000 years by correlating and integrating all available case studies. A pronounced wet period corresponding to the ‘Green Sahara’ and its equivalent in Arabia commenced between 15,000 and 9000 years BP and ended sometime between 6500 and 3500 years BP, followed by arid conditions throughout the late Holocene. Start and end dates vary between locations, depending on local factors, climate amplifiers and chosen climate proxies, leading to a spatially and temporally complex distribution. Some studies show gradual transitions between the hydroclimatic states while other locations evidenced abrupt changes. The humid phase was triggered by a northward migration of the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) due to orbital precession. The northernmost parts of North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula were not reached by the ITCZ. Here, increased early Holocene humidity may have been due to an intensification of southern Mediterranean winter rain and its deeper penetration southwards into the present-day desert areas. The early Holocene ‘Green Sahara’ forms part of a long series of wet periods that have occurred over the past hundred thousand to million years in North Africa and Arabia. Notably, climate models are still unable to match the observed hydroclimatic changes in a quantitative way. Simulated rainfall during the African Humid Period over the Sahara is not sufficient to sustain vegetation at a level seen in the palaeo record, indicating that processes such as vegetation and dust feedbacks still need to be refined. Sea surface temperatures in North Africa and Arabia during the early Holocene were generally one to several degrees C warmer than during the late Holocene. Warming began around 12,000 years BP and ended around 5000 years BP. The warm period generally coincided with the early Holocene wet phase in the region and is linked to the Holocene Thermal Maximum, an early Holocene period during which temperatures were globally elevated. The review suggests that the Holocene climate history of North Africa and Arabia is closely linked to the global development and that significant temperature changes have also occurred in subtropical climate belts.