Table 10 - uploaded by Darren G. Lilleker
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It is no longer sufficient for a British Member of Parliament to represent a particular party and be in a safe seat to guarantee re-election. Arguably the MP has to prove that they not only represent the party but also the constituency, and increasingly they feel under pressure to prove they take the latter aspect of the job very seriously. Therefo...
Citations
... 140 information model is a one-way communication model that uses "journalists-in-residence" to disseminate information to the media (Jackson & Lilleker, 2004). Public information depends on transferring the truthful messages (Matthews, 2010). ...
With the development of technology and the change of life style, organisations are seeking more effectiveness and efficient way to practice the public relations. How public relation works in the organisations has been studies extensively. This essay will focus on how public relation exist and operate in the organisation from three different aspects which are traditional media, social media and stakeholder engagement which link one-way or two-way Grunig and Hunt’s models. The one-way or two-way Grunig and Hunt’s models will be explained in the essay as well. Moreover, the essay will take M&M’s chocolate, Brisbane City Council and Manila Water Company as three examples to testify how the three approaches working in the public relations in society. Finally, it is recommended that the organisations are better to choose the suitable method basing on the organisations’ strategy and which ethical framework they applied.
... Scholars have also expanded on the limits of how we perceive and study the concept of constituency service by borrowingboth methodologically and theoreticallyfrom other scientific areas, demonstrating how the concept can be understood through lenses other than those of political science. This is true for three studies in our sample, all focusing on the UK: Jackson and Lilleker (2004) take on British MPs from a perspective of media, communication, and public relations, Warner's (2021) social work approach (that employs notions such as emotions and empathy to characterize MPs' constituency service), and Vivyan and Wagner (2015) who use a marketing-inspired methodological approach to understand citizen preferences. This suggests that more can be done from a multidisciplinary perspective. ...
Constituency service is a crucial concept for understanding the nature and intensity of the links between representatives and their constituents. However, studies have been inconsistent about the meaning of constituency service, its causes and consequences, justifying a systematic analysis of where we stand in this field of studies. This article conducts a scoping literature review of 198 studies on constituency service published between 1975 and 2021. It aims to answer the following questions: how has constituency service been defined? Which research designs are commonly used when studying it? And what are its driving factors and political effects? These questions are answered using a dataset that codes each study along several dimensions tapping into conceptualization, research design, explanatory factors, and effects. The analysis shows that this field of research has grown significantly over the last decade, covering more activities (inside and outside the geographic constituency) and countries, with increased methodological pluralism. This review makes an original contribution by charting the main trends in the study of constituency service, advancing a dynamic conceptualization of constituency service, and opening up new avenues for research on the subject.
... When public relation practitioners deliver message to other party or governments publish some information to the society by traditional media, the information has to be truthful. The public information model is a one-way communication model that uses "journalists-in-residence" to disseminate information to the media (Jackson & Lilleker, 2004). Public information depends on transferring the truthful messages (Matthews, 2010). ...
With the development of technology and the change of life style, organisations are seeking more effectiveness and efficient way to practice the public relations. How public relation works in the organisations has been studies extensively. This essay will focus on how public relation exist and operate in the organisation from three different aspects which are traditional media, social media and stakeholder engagement which link one-way or two-way Grunig and Hunt’s models. The one-way or two-way Grunig and Hunt’s models will be explained in the essay as well. Moreover, the essay will take M&M’s chocolate, Brisbane City Council and Manila Water Company as three examples to testify how the three approaches working in the public relations in society. Finally, it is recommended that the organisations are better to choose the suitable method basing on the organisations’ strategy and which ethical framework they applied.
... (Caramani, 2017: 57) The focus was more on parties and less on representatives. For this reason, constituency communication can be seen as a field of research relevant not just for the study of political communications, but also for the study of political representation and legislatures (Auel & Umit, 2018;Jackson & Lilleker, 2004;Leston-Bandeira, 2012;Mayhew, 1974;. ...
... Constituency service also forms an essential part of MPs' reelection strategies in Finland (Raunio & Ruotsalainen, 2018), Germany (Gschwenda & Zittel 2014, Northern Ireland (Haughey, 2017) and Italy . For others (Jackson & Lilleker, 2004), however, constituency service is not always 'a pure mechanical response' to electoral incentives (André et al., 2014: 179). In situations of crisis management, MPs can be 'errand runners', 'gatekeepers' and 'lightning rods' thus contributing to system stability or winning favour with the executive (Stark 2010). ...
The last decade in Spain has been extremely turbulent, characterised by a growth in the complexity of the party system due to the emergence of new protest and nationwide parties. Podemos is one of them. The chapter analyses the constituency communication of the elected members of Podemos. The analysis first illustrates the political context by describing the main electoral and competitive characteristics of Spanish democracy, then focuses on the last general election, held in November 2019. A quantitative and qualitative analysis of Podemos’ officials’ communication through Facebook and Twitter has been carried out. We demonstrate that Podemos’ MPs’ communication is mainly influenced by two variables: an institutional variable, linked to Podemos’ competitive position, and an organisational variable, linked to the distribution of power resources within the party itself.
... Good constituency MPs want people to know that they are doing a good job (Jackson and Lilleker 2004), hence the importance of linking this role to the communication function of impression management. Research classified MPs as being proactive or reactive communicators in this sense; with some ensuring that they received as much free publicity as possible via local media for their constituency casework (Negrine and Lilleker 2003). ...
... This is based on the assumption that MPs' most dominant interest is re-election and therefore in line with a more delegate-oriented type of parliamentary representation: As agents of their voters, MPs have to demonstrate responsiveness. Although candidates in the UK are, as in European parliamentary democracy in general, largely elected on the basis of their party affiliation, personal reputation is by no means irrelevant for re-election (Butler and Collins 2001;Jackson and Lilleker 2004;Lilleker 2005;Jackson 2011). In his study, Moore (2018) for example, found a positive relationship between constituency Euroscepticism and the probability of conservative MPs' to endorse leave in the 2016 referendum. ...
Advisory ex ante referendums, such as the referendum on the UK membership in the European Union in 2016, provide MPs with a (more or less) clear mandate from their principal, but they are not legally binding. Implementation thus still requires a legislative act, usually by parliament. MPs therefore face the decision whether to follow the will of ‘the people’ or to decide according to their own judgement, and thus whether to act as delegates or trustees. Just as importantly, advisory referendums can create situations where Members of Parliament (MPs) as agents are faced with conflicting mandates by different principals – i.e. by the electorate as a whole, by their own constituency and/or by their party. Agents facing conflicting mandates cannot avoid voting against one or more of the mandates and thus have to choose, which principal to ‘serve’. To explore this issue, the paper analyses MPs’ votes on the European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Bill, and thus on triggering or not the Brexit process. Given the outcome of the referendum as well as the fact that most MPs did vote in favour of triggering the Withdrawal process, our main interest lies in exploring the decision of MPs not to follow the mandate given by the country.
... MPs themselves, initially, suggested that digital platforms could humanise politics by showing the public the daily dilemmas of a politician's life (Francoli & Ward, 2008). Aside from democratic discourse, some studies pointed towards social media as a marketing tool for politicians enabling them to build long-term relationships with voters and allowing them to manage their public image more effectively (Jackson & Lilleker, 2004;. Such marketing strategies were connected to supposed potential electoral benefits, with politicians able to heighten their profile and name recognition by reaching new audiences more regularly and directly than previously (Bright et al., 2017;Jacobs & Spierings, 2016). ...
There has been growing public attention around the abuse of MPs online including criminal convictions for violent threats, regular coverage of racist and misogynistic language directed at representatives. Yet, the extent of the problem and patterns of abuse remain relatively under-researched. So far, much of coverage of the problem is anecdotal or based on self-reporting from MPs. This research sets out to provide a more rigorous benchmark measure of abuse. It also examines targets and triggers for social media abuse-how far is abuse connected to contentious debates such as Brexit or targeted at specific groups of MPs (e.g. female representatives)? Our results indicate that whilst the overall volume of abuse appears low, social media abuse has become ubiquitous and is highly public. Furthermore, whilst some abuse is undoubtedly targeted and gendered, the biggest proportion of abuse follows a reactive response to political discussions and public interventions of MPs.
... 3% between 2005 and 2016), along with the current presence of all parties in one or more social media platforms, makes it a worthy case study. While plenty of research has provided important insights on the use of the Internet by political parties during election campaigns, effectively providing us with periodically skewed data, recent research has been focusing on "permanent" (Jackson and Lilleker 2004) or "postmodern" (Vaccari 2008) campaigning -indicating the need to look at these activities beyond election season. As we consider a time span of 7 years (2010)(2011)(2012)(2013)(2014)(2015)(2016)(2017), this study contributes to this recent and growing literature by approaching the ways in which Portuguese parties use fb as a communication tool and how the public responds to this new way of political communication. ...
[...] this study resorts to a social media metrics set to assess how Portuguese political parties use social media and how people engage with parties online. We analyse parties’ fb usage across a time span of 7 years (2010-2017) and examine how users’ engage with parties online.
Portugal has often been somewhat marginalized in the study of parties’
online communication strategies. The increase in ict usage in the country
(internet diffusion increased by 32.3% between 2005 and 2016), along with the
current presence of all parties in one or more social media platforms, makes it
a worthy case study. While plenty of research has provided important insights
on the use of the Internet by political parties during election campaigns,
effectively providing us with periodically skewed data, recent research has
been focusing on “permanent” (Jackson and Lilleker 2004) or “postmodern”
(Vaccari 2008) campaigning – indicating the need to look at these activities
beyond election season. As we consider a time span of 7 years (2010-2017),
this study contributes to this recent and growing literature by approaching the ways in which Portuguese parties use fb as a communication tool and how the public responds to this new way of political communication. This chapter contributes to the volume’s purpose of addressing the contemporary
challenges to citizenship by looking at the current relationship between parties
and citizens in the digital context, a space where political action and active citizenship is increasingly undertaken. The chapter is structured in three main sections. The first reviews the literature on how political parties use ICT and social media. The second outlines the methodological phases of the empirical
study. Finally, the third presents the findings and discussion.
... 3% between 2005 and 2016), along with the current presence of all parties in one or more social media platforms, makes it a worthy case study. While plenty of research has provided important insights on the use of the Internet by political parties during election campaigns, effectively providing us with periodically skewed data, recent research has been focusing on "permanent" (Jackson and Lilleker 2004) or "postmodern" (Vaccari 2008) campaigning -indicating the need to look at these activities beyond election season. As we consider a time span of 7 years (2010)(2011)(2012)(2013)(2014)(2015)(2016)(2017), this study contributes to this recent and growing literature by approaching the ways in which Portuguese parties use fb as a communication tool and how the public responds to this new way of political communication. ...
... In the United Kingdom, MPs' individual election campaign efforts or constituency communication have therefore long been seen as having no impact on general election outcomes (Butler and Kavanagh, 1974;Butler and Rose, 1960;Dunleavy and Husbands, 1985;Rose and McAllister, 1986). More recent research has shown, however, that personal reputation is by no means irrelevant (Butler and Collins, 2001;Jackson, 2011;Jackson and Lilleker, 2004;Lilleker, 2005; see also Cain et al., 1984). ...
... This is true independently of whether their voters put trust in their party or their person; they can rely on having already gained a large amount of trust. In turn, MPs in more marginal seats have to try to increase the number of voters trusting them-and at the very least make sure they do not lose any trust until the next election-and thus have far greater incentives to invest in communication (Jackson and Lilleker, 2004). ...
Everyone agrees that members of parliaments (MPs) should keep in touch with the people they represent. Yet some MPs invest more in communication with their constituency than others. We approach this problem with data from the parliamentary communication allowance in the United Kingdom, where all MPs had the same amount of budget to reach out proactively to their electors. We base our analysis on two fundamental assumptions: that re-election is the main goal of legislators and that communication to signal trustworthiness is one way of securing their re-election. We then examine the impact of electoral prospects, constituency characteristics, and parliamentary behaviour on communication to constituents. We find evidence that, even in the absence of budgetary constraints, MPs’ constituency communication depends on challenges to their re-election.
