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Within the course of the 20th century the American population went through a virtual metamorphosis from being the tallest in the world, to being among the most overweight. The American height advantage over Western and Northern Europeans was between 3 and 9 cm in mid-19th century, and Americans tended to be underweight. However, today, the exact op...
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Context 1
... the sample is reduced to 14,615 observations. Not only have the average physical stature of Americans not kept pace with European trends, but there is some indication that heights have been stagnating among men and might actually have decreased among females of the youngest adult birth cohort, i.e. those born in the 1960s, both black and white (Fig. 6). Controlling for income and education, the diminution in height appears even more pronounced 11 (Table 4). To be sure, more people obtained a high school and college education among the 1960s birth cohorts than earlier, so that the average decline is not at all as large as one might infer from these results by themselves. Height of ...
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... 1970s were 163.5 cm tall (Figs. 2 and 6). Admittedly, 0.8 cm is not much of a decline-but it is amazing that heights would have declined at all at a time when both income and medical know-how was improving markedly. The trend and level of average heights of blacks and whites are quite similar except for the earliest birth cohorts among the males (Fig. 6). Actually, average height for the whole population is almost the same as those of whites by themselves (Figs. 1, 2 and 6), inasmuch as whites make up about 85% of the population without Hispanics (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). Hence, in subsequent analysis the height of whites is not reported separately, only those of the whole sample ...
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... their subjective evaluation of their own health status also tends to be more pessimistic than those of Germans (Figs. 13 and 14). African-Americans tend to think of themselves as less healthy than whites. This is in keeping with their higher mortality rate, but is puzzling in light of the fact that they tend to be practically as tall as whites (Fig. ...
Citations
... The steady improvement in the quality of life starting at the end of the nineteenth century, in connection with the Industrial Revolution, has led to a continuous trend of increasing stature (Baten & Blum 2012;Hatton 2013;Grasgruber & Hrazdíra 2020), and changing cranial shape: European crania became larger, longer, and taller, although cranial breadth simultaneously decreased (Jellinghaus et al. 2018). The rapid change in cranial morphology among European immigrants in the USA can, therefore, be linked to a dramatic improvement in living conditions, which were much better than in Europe at the time (Komlos & Baur 2004). Another environmental hypothesis points to the relationship between the decreasing robustness of the jaws and an agricultural or dairy-based diet, which was softer than the diet of hunter-gatherers (Von Cramon-Taubadel 2014). ...
The purpose of this work was a comprehensive overview of the development of cranial morphology in prehistoric Europe, spanning the period from the Upper Paleolithic to the genetic turnovers associated with the Indo-European migrations from the East European steppes (~ 2000 cal. BC). A total of 103 prehistoric samples with > 3900 male skulls were divided into six periods and statistically compared using 22 cranial values (11 raw craniometric measurements and 11 indices). This analysis shows that the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic periods were characterized by a predominance of robust, broad-faced morphology that was changing only slowly over time. As late as after the onset of the Neolithic (6000 cal. BC) did morphological diversity increase in the form of the more gracile, narrow-faced crania of Anatolian farmers. The sharp contrast between these two morphotypes persisted throughout the Neolithic and Eneolithic (6000–3000 cal. BC), when the autochthonous European populations were gradually pushed into the peripheral regions of Northern and Eastern Europe. The most significant changes in the European cranial form occurred between 3000–2000 cal. BC, when East European steppe pastoralists stemming from the Jamnaja culture genetically overwhelmed farming groups in the rest of the continent. As a result of subsequent admixture and strong founder events, two very distinct, morphologically antagonistic populations emerged: The ultradolichocephalic associated with the Corded Ware culture and the brachycephalic associated with the Bell Beaker culture. In general, the ancient European morphologies predating 2000 cal. BC only partially overlap with the recent populations of Europe and are more diverse, which indicates a lack of continuity.
... According to Komlos and Baur (2004), factors such as improved nutrition, healthcare, and living standards contribute to these positive height trends in many regions. Baird (2015) also stated that the small gain in average human height experienced in many countries over the last few hundred years was not due to genetic evolution. ...
Over the course of the years, numerous studies have been conducted to assess the trends in height across different generations and regions. This study seeks to add to the current data on secular height trend, by analyzing the trend in height, gender specific differences in height trend and relationship between socionutritional factors and increase in height trend among 1983–2005 birth cohort in the Ilorin metropolis. A total of 414 study participants aged 18–40 years (207 males and 207 females). Their height was obtained using the Tape stadiometer, information about dietary history (nutritional factors) that may affect height were gotten via the use of Questionnaires. Data were analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) Version 27.0 and results were computed using Pearson’s Chi-square analysis and ANOVA. P-values less than 0.05 were considered significant. Height was found to have positively increased among the 1983 to 2005 birth cohorts of Ilorin metropolis with the most significant increase being observed in the Males. This study also revealed a positive correlation between Diary and Carbohydrate consumption and increase in height, especially among males. No significant increase in height was found among females of the birth cohorts and no Association was found between the considered nutritional factors and female height.
... Given that maternal anthropometric factors (height, weight, BMI) significantly influence birth weight [49], and that newborns from White parents have higher odds of having NBW (see Table 6), the WHO's cut-off for defining LBW (2500 g) may be biased towards the Caucasian population. This bias is because, except for Black parents, White parents have higher average height than other ethnicities in the US [51][52][53][54]. This finding aligns with other studies that advocate for a review of the global WHO's cut-off threshold for LBW [55], which was originally established due to the higher risk of mortality for Europeandescendent newborns weighing less than 2500 g [9]. ...
... It is essential also to consider other factors, such as intrauterine growth restriction, maternal health history, and preterm birth [56,57]. The high difference between Black and White birth weights seems more related to socioeconomic factors than anthropometrics, as the average heights for both groups are similar (163 cm for females and 178 cm for males [51]). In the US, Black communities have historically been concentrated in low-income areas due to social, economic, and cultural reasons. ...
... The identification of weight gain, maternal height, pre-pregnancy weight, and parental ethnicity as crucial factors influencing birth weight outcomes aligns with the findings of Marisaki et al. [7], who emphasized that anthropometric factors are the major factor explaining LBW disparities among ethnicities. However, our study enhances this perspective by indirectly incorporating paternal anthropometrics, noting that paternal ethnicity is correlated with paternal height [51]. Thus, our study provides a more comprehensive understanding of both maternal and paternal factors in predicting LBW outcomes, as paternal height also affects the newborn's anthropometrics. ...
Background and aims
Low birth weight (LBW), known as the condition of a newborn weighing less than 2500 g, is a growing concern in the United States (US). Previous studies have identified several contributing factors, but many have analyzed these variables in isolation, limiting their ability to capture the combined influence of multiple factors. Moreover, past research has predominantly focused on maternal health, demographics, and socioeconomic conditions, often neglecting paternal factors such as age, educational level, and ethnicity. Additionally, most studies have utilized localized datasets, which may not reflect the diversity of the US population. To address these gaps, this study leverages machine learning to analyze the 2022 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s National Natality Dataset, identifying the most significant factors contributing to LBW across the US.
Methods
We combined anthropometric, socioeconomic, maternal, and paternal factors to train logistic regression, random forest, XGBoost, conditional inference tree, and attention mechanism models to predict LBW and normal birth weight (NBW) outcomes. These models were interpreted using odds ratio analysis, feature importance, partial dependence plots (PDP), and Shapley Additive Explanations (SHAP) to identify the factors most strongly associated with LBW.
Results
Across all five models, the most consistently associated factors with birth weight were maternal height, pre-pregnancy weight, weight gain during pregnancy, and parental ethnicity. Other pregnancy-related factors, such as prenatal visits and avoiding smoking, also significantly influenced birth weight.
Conclusion
The relevance of maternal anthropometric factors, pregnancy weight gain, and parental ethnicity can help explain the current differences in LBW and NBW rates among various ethnic groups in the US. Ethnicities with shorter average statures, such as Asians and Hispanics, are more likely to have newborns below the World Health Organization’s 2500-gram threshold. Additionally, ethnic groups with historical challenges in accessing nutrition and perinatal care face a higher risk of delivering LBW infants.
... Given that maternal anthropometric factors (height, weight, BMI) significantly influence birth weight [42], and that newborns from White parents have higher odds of having NBW (see Table 4), the WHO's cut-off for defining LBW (2500 g) may be biased towards the Caucasian population. This bias is because, except for Black parents, White parents have higher average height than other ethnicities in the US [44,45,46,47]. This finding aligns with other studies that advocate for a review of the global WHO's cut-off threshold for LBW [48], which was originally established due to the higher risk of mortality for European-descendent newborns weighing less than 2500 g [16]. ...
... The high difference between Black and White birth weights seems more related to socioeconomic factors than anthropometrics, as the average heights for both groups are similar (163 cm for females and 178 cm for males [44]). In the US, Black communities have historically been concentrated in low-income areas due to social, economic, and cultural reasons. ...
Background and Aims: Low birth weight (LBW), known as the condition of a newborn weighing less than 2500 g, is a growing concern in the United States (US). Previous studies have identified some factors contributing to this issue. However, these studies have primarily focused on individual factors rather than examining the correlations between multiple factors. Additionally, much of the research has concentrated on maternal health, demographics, and socioeconomic factors, often overlooking potential influences from father-related factors such as paternal age, educational level, and ethnicity. Moreover, many of these studies have been limited to local populations, which may not represent the entire US population. To address these limitations, this study employs a machine learning approach to analyze the 2022 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's National Natality Dataset, identifying the most significant factors contributing to LBW across the US.
Methods: Relevant variables such as anthropometric, socioeconomic, maternal, and paternal factors from the dataset were used to train logistic regression, random forest, extreme gradient boosting, and an attention mechanism model to predict normal and LBW newborns. The predictive models were interpretable through odds ratio, feature importance, and Shapley Additive Explanations (SHAP), revealing the factors contributing most to LBW.
Results: Our approach predicted normal birth weight and LBW newborns with an accuracy of 70%, 73%, 74%, and 59.5% for the logistic regression, random forest, extreme gradient boosting, and an attention mechanism model, respectively. The models indicated that both maternal and paternal factors influence birth weights. Among these factors, ethnicity, age, and education level were the most common among parents. Additionally, maternal characteristics, like height, BMI, pre-pregnancy weight, and weight gain during pregnancy, were significant in determining birth weights.
Conclusion: Our findings provide insights to support pregnancy guidelines. Specifically, parents should prioritize early and regular prenatal consultations, proper nutrition, and avoiding smoking. This should be a priority, particularly for vulnerable populations in which LBW is a high burden. Moreover, the significant influence of ethnicity and maternal height on LBW suggests the need to reconsider the 2500-gram cut-off established by the World Health Organization to account for the differences in parent height across ethnicities.
... White US Americans of the early-to-mid nineteenth century surpassed white Europeans by several centimeters [59]. By 1860, American White men averaged 174.1 cm, while adult men in England averaged 165.6 cm and in Sweden and Norway men averaged 168.6 cm [60]. Greater height for colonists was also true for Dutch white settlers of nineteenth-century South Africa [61] and Australia [62]. ...
Background: Hope and love are popular themes of literature and art in many human societies. The human physiology of love and hope is less well understood. This review presents evidence that the lack of love and/or hope delays growth disturbs development and maturation and even kills.
Main body: Love and hope intersect in promoting healthy human development. Love provides a sense of security and attachment, which are necessary for healthy physical, cognitive, and emotional development. Hope provides a sense of optimism and resilience in the face of adversity. Loving relationships can foster a sense of hope in individuals and in society by providing support systems during difficult times. Similarly, having a sense of hope can make it easier to form loving relationships by providing individuals with the confidence to connect with others.
Hope and love are the fundamental basis of human biocultural reproduction, which is the human style of cooperation in the production, feeding, and care of offspring. Examples are given of the association between human growth in height with love and hope, including (1) the global “Long Depression” of 1873–1896, (2) “hospitalism”
and the abuse/neglect of infants and children, (3) adoption, (4) international migration, (5) colonial conquest, and (6) social, economic, and political change in Japan between 1970 and 1990.
Conclusion: Overall, this review suggests that love and hope are both critical factors in promoting healthy human development and that they intersect in complex ways to support emotional well-being.
... But this is not true. The increase in mean body height has been slowing down in several European countries but also in the United States during the last 25 years (Roberts 1994;Komlos and Baur 2004). This is a rather paradoxical situation, because despite improved nutrition and generally better life circumstances and medical services, the secular trend slows down. ...
... Komlos and Baur described the increase in obesity rates, but a stagnation or even a reduction of body height in the United States at the beginning of this millennium. They interpreted this shift from the tallest population in the World to one of the fattest as a result of increasing social inequality (Komlos and Baur 2004). Considering the situation during childhood and adolescence, some studies yielded a significantly positive association between obesity and body height during subadult phase (Kain et al. 2005;Buchan et al. 2007;Navti et al. 2015). ...
Background: Growth and finally body height are influenced by various intrinsic and extrinsic factors. During the last decades the well documented secular trend of increase in body height slowed down. Overweight and obesity rates increased worldwide from childhood onwards. An association between rising obesity rates and the slowdown of the secular trend in body height might be assumed. Aims: This study focuses on patterns of associations between childhood weight status, socioenvironmental factors, and adolescent body height. It is hypothesized that higher weight during childhood enhances developmental tempo and linear growth, and results in higher body height during adolescence. Sample and methods: In a longitudinal study, the body height, body weight, and Body mass index (BMI) of 1506 randomly selected Viennese children were documented at the age of six, ten, and fifteen years. Weight status according to sex and age and age-specific BMI percentiles were determined. The association between weight status and body height was analyzed. A history of migration and the so-cioenvironmental background, based on specific characteristics of the residential area, have been included in the analysis. Results: A marked positive association between weight status during childhood, male sex, socioenvironmental factor, the background of migration, and body height at the age of six and ten years could be documented. At the age of fifteen years, however, only male sex and BMI at age ten years were significantly positively associated with height. Conclusion: High weight or obesity during childhood enhances growth during childhood, but no significant associations between weight status and height were observable during adolescence.
... Other similar studies argue that such a convergence in terms of net nutritional status is most likely related to economic progress and the expansion of the welfare state in the final decades of the twentieth century (Bodzsar et al., 2015;Hauspie et al., 1996). Nevertheless, considerable inequalities in nutritional status are still present even in the most advanced industrialized societies, and to a greater extent in developing countries (Bredenkamp et al., 2014;Komlos & Baur, 2004). For instance, in Poland, although improvements have been made in living conditions over a period of almost 50 years, as reflected in the secular trend in children's height, there are still differences in height associated with social inequalities (Gomula et al., 2021, by using four factors to approximate SES: level of urbanization, parents' education and number of children). ...
Socioeconomic inequalities and their evolution in different historical contexts have been widely studied. However, some of their dimensions remain relatively unexplored, such as the role played by socioeconomic status in the trajectory of biological living standards, especially net nutritional status. The main objective of this article is to analyze whether the power of socioeconomic status (SES) to explain differences in the biological dimensions of human well-being (in this case, adult height, a reliable metric for health and nutritional status) has increased or diminished over time. Educational attainment and occupational category have been used as two different proxies for the SES of Spanish men and women born between 1940 and 1994, thus covering a historical period in Spain characterized by remarkable socioeconomic development and a marked increase in mean adult height. Our data is drawn from nine waves of the Spanish National Health Survey and the Spanish sample of two waves of the European Health Interview Survey (ENSE) for the period 1987 to 2017 (N = 73,699 citizens aged 23–47). A multivariate regression analysis has been conducted, showing that, as a whole, height differentials by educational attainment have diminished over time, whereas differences by occupational category of household heads have largely persisted. These results indicate the need for further qualification when describing the process of convergence in biological well-being indicators across social groups. For instance, the progressive enrollment of a greater proportion of the population into higher educational levels may lead us to underestimate the real differences between socioeconomic groups, while other proxies of SES still point to the persistence of such differences.
... Height is widely accepted and recognised as one of the key measures of physical well-being and biological standard of living at the population level [1][2][3]. In addition to genetic potential, other factors such as socio-economic condition, disease history, access to quality health services, and nutritional security have a significant bearing on human stature [2,4]. The role of nutrition over stature, however, has had a long and contested history among nutritionists, policymakers and health professionals. ...
Aim
The aim of the study is to investigate the trends in adult height between two consecutive surveys of NHFS and explore differences across variables such as gender, wealth, social groups etc.
Methods
We used the NFHS-II (1998–99), NFHS–III (2005–2006) and NFHS-IV (2015–16) (all three for women and last two for men) data to examine the trends in average height. Comparison was done between the two age strata of 15–25 and 26–50 years, across both male and female, to assess the trends.
Results
Between NFHS-III and NFHS-IV, the average height of women in the age group of 15–25 showed a decline by 0.12 cm [95% CI, -0.24 to 0.00, p-0.051] while in the 26–50 years age strata it demonstrated significant improvement in the mean height by 0.13 cm [95% CI, 0.02 to 0.023, p-0.015]. However, Between NFHS III and IV, the average height of women in the poorest wealth index category registered a significant decline [-0.57cm, 95% CI, -076 to -0.37, p-0.000]. Between NFHS III and IV, the average height of Scheduled Tribe (ST) women in the age group of 15–25 years also exhibited a significant decline by 0.42 cm, [95% CI, -0.73 to -0.12, p-0.007]. Among men, between the two surveys, both the age groups of 15–25 years and 26–50 years showed significant decline in average height: 1.10 cm [95% CI, -1.31 to -.099 cm, p-0.00] and 0.86 cm [95% CI, -1.03 to -0.69, p-0.000], respectively.
Conclusion
In the context of an overall increase in average heights worldwide the decline in average height of adults in India is alarming and demands an urgent enquiry. The argument for different standards of height for Indian population as different genetic group needs further scrutiny. However, the trends from India clearly underline the need to examine the non-genetic factors also to understand the interplay of genetic, nutritional and other social and environmental determinants on height.
... Der Einfluss der Ernährung und der soziökonomische Umstände sind oft erforscht worden (Arcaleni, 2006;F. L. Black et al., 1977a;Floud et al., 1990;Frisancho et al., 1980b;Komlos & Baur, 2004;Larnkjaer et al., 2006;Lourie et al., 1986;I. M. Schmidt et al., 1995;Zemel & Jenkins, 1989a (Gupta & Basu, 1981, 44 1991und im Hochland von Abessinien, Äthiopien (Clegg et al., 1972) fanden, konnten einige weitere Studien im Himalaya-Gebirge (Beall, 1981) und in den Anden (Frisancho & Baker, 1970;Mueller et al., 1978;Stinson, 1980) eine geringere Körperhöhe mit zunehmender Meereshöhe feststellen. ...
... Ein viel diskutiertes Thema ist der säkulare Trend der Körperhöhe, der wohl auf Umweltfaktoren, wie soziökonomische Umstände, Ernährung, Infektionen und (sozio-)geografischen Gegebenheiten, zurück zu führen ist (Arcaleni, 2006;Cole, 2000;M. Danubio & Sanna, 2008;Floud et al., 1990;Komlos & Baur, 2004;Larnkjaer et al., 2006;I. M. Schmidt et al., 1995). ...
~~ english version below ~~
Weltweit hat sich die soziale, wirtschaftliche und umweltbedingte Situation der Menschheit ver-schlechtert und führt zu einem Anstieg der Fluchtbewegungen. In Europa kommen vor allem unbe-gleitete Kinder und Jugendliche ohne Dokumente an, die besonderes schutzbedürftig sind. Die Be-hörden der europäischen Länder veranlassen aufgrund der ressourcenintensiven Unterstützung, die Minderjährigen zusteht, in vielen Fällen eine Altersdiagnostik. Die mangelnde Einheitlichkeit der europäischen Praxis steht in diesem Zusammenhang ebenso in der Kritik, wie auch die konkret an-gewendeten Methoden. Daher stellt sich die Frage, welche der in Europa angewendeten Methoden sich zur einheitlichen Anwendung für altersdiagnostische Maßnahmen an unbegleiteten minderjäh-rigen Flüchtlingen in Europa eignet. Zur Beantwortung der Frage kommt eine Methodentriangulation zum Einsatz, die einerseits interdisziplinäre Interviews mit Expert_innen und andererseits eine breite Literaturrecherche zur kritischen Beleuchtung des Themas durch Studien, Stellungnahmen und Emp-fehlungen von betroffenen Personen, Expert_innen und Organisationen für und von Betroffenen beinhaltet. Dadurch kann eine inter- und transdisziplinäre Analyse in humanökologischer Sicht ge-währleistet werden. Dabei wurde deutlich, dass keine der bisher in Europa angewendeten Metho-den sich zur einheitlichen Anwendung eignet. Die angewendeten Ansätze der Altersdiagnostik, der anthropologisch-medizinische Ansatz und der soziopsychologische Ansatz, weisen beide Mängel hinsichtlich ihrer Wissenschaftlichkeit, unpraktischer Anwendung und ethischer Bedenken auf. Viel-mehr konnte gezeigt werden, dass sich ein holistischer Zugang zu einer Altersdiagnostik bei unbeglei-teten minderjährigen Flüchtlingen zur einheitlichen Anwendung in Europa eignen würde.
English version:
Social, economic, and environmental issues have negatively impacted the life of humanity world-wide, leading to an increase of refugee and migration movements. The number of separated and therefore vulnerable children and adolescents without any documents is rising, especially in Europe. Because of the resource-intensive support which unaccompanied minors need, many European countries induce an age assessment upon them. The lack a unified European strategy concerning age assessment methods, as well as the particular methods applied, have been subject to critique. That leads to the question, which of the applied methods - if any - is suitable for age assessment of unaccompanied children. To answer the question, a method triangulation is used, which includes on the one hand interdisciplinary interviews with experts and on the other hand a broad literature re-search to critically illuminate the topic through studies, statements and recommendations of affect-ed persons, experts, and organizations. Thus, an inter- and transdisciplinary analysis in a human ecological perspective can be guaranteed. The results showed that none of the so far used methods are suitable. Both approaches, the medical-anthropological approach, and the socio-psychological approach, indicate shortcomings regarding to their scientific methods, impractical applications, and ethical concerns. It was deduced, that a holistic approach would be most suitable for an age as-sessment for unaccompanied refugee children in Europe.
... Results indicate that the negative effect on average BMI is driven by a lower probability of being overweight for individuals being zero, one or two years old when transition started (by approximately 7 to 8 percentage points). This is in contrast to Komlos and Baur (2004) who find that, at least in the US, short stature and being overweight go hand in hand. Americans were between 3 and 9 cm taller than their counterparts in Western and Northern Europe in the mid-19th century and also were underweight. ...
Using newly available data, we re-evaluate the impact of transition from plan to market in former communist countries on objective and subjective well-being. We find clear evidence of the high social cost of early transition reforms: cohorts born around the start of transition are about 1 centimetre shorter than their older or younger peers. We provide suggestive evidence on the importance on mechanisms that partially explain these results: the decline of GDP per capita and the deterioration of healthcare systems. On the bright side, we find that cohorts that experienced transition in their infancy are now better educated and more satisfied with their lives than their counterparts. Taken together, our results imply that the transition process has been a traumatic experience, but that its negative impact has largely been overcome.
