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"Grass [sic] wallet" of the "Chow pah tribe, Siam" collected by William Louis Abbott in 1899. Smithsonian Institution, Department of Anthropology, catalog # E202853. Plant fi ber (pandanus?), approximately 36 X 20 cm. Unlike some other Abbott collections, this object has no surviving original label handwritten by Abbott, but has one old handwritten museum label and one recent barcode label (associated with the present digital collection database).

"Grass [sic] wallet" of the "Chow pah tribe, Siam" collected by William Louis Abbott in 1899. Smithsonian Institution, Department of Anthropology, catalog # E202853. Plant fi ber (pandanus?), approximately 36 X 20 cm. Unlike some other Abbott collections, this object has no surviving original label handwritten by Abbott, but has one old handwritten museum label and one recent barcode label (associated with the present digital collection database).

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AAAAAAAA-Adding to the very few pre-1900 accounts of the Maniq groups of Thailand, this paper presents new information from archives and ethnographic collections at the Smithsonian about two visits by William Louis Abbott at the end of the 19th century to the group now generally called the Maniq, considered a subgroup of the Semang and the northern...

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Context 1
... (1908:3). The examples of material culture collected among them, however, represent only the simplest levels of technological complexity, such as the plant-fi ber "wallet" collected in 1899 ( Figure 2) of a kind whose structure seemed to classify those who produced it as being at a lower level of societal evolution than more developed cultures of Southeast Asia and America, whose more advanced basketry forms each had distinctive elaborations of the simplest plaiting or weave. (Both Abbott and Mason here use the word "wallet" in its common 19th century meaning, 1 a bag for holding provisions on a journey.) ...
Context 2
... of the paper catalog cards and their later digital database formats perpetuate Mason's incorrect transcription of Abbott's handwriting, naming the ethnic group "Chow Pal." Abbott was unable to bring ethnographic material when he left the Chow pah area suddenly in 1897 due to illness; all these are from the 1899 trip. The extant collection consists of two TTTTTTTT'' "CCCC P NNNNNN@@" (MMMMM) 1897 1899 blowguns or "blow-pipes" having the local name "Klongo" (catalog numbers E202851 and E202852, see Figure 6); two quivers of darts (shown in Figure 7): E202848 with 33 darts and E202849 with 22 darts; the "wallet" shown in Figure 2 (E202853) and a now very fragile and damaged net consisting of plant-fi ber netting strung between two wooden poles. Due to its current fragility this net can no longer be expanded for photography into a shape like that of its original likely use. ...

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... I include here several examples of archival findings that have helped me understand the ethnographic materials assembled for the Smithsonian by an important American "naturalist" collector (that is, a collector of natural history specimens including ethnographic artifacts as well as biological collections), William Louis Abbott (1860-1935 (Figure 3). Abbott was by far the Smithsonian's most prolific collector of Indonesian and Malaysian artifacts (Taylor 2002;Taylor and Hamilton 1993;and examples in Taylor and Aragon 1991), and a major collector of ethnographic and biological specimens (mostly mammals and birds) from every region in which he traveled. These examples are a few of those I have described in studies of his vast collections (see Taylor 2002Taylor , 2014Taylor , 2015aTaylor , 2015bTaylor , 2016Taylor , 2017Taylor , 2018aTaylor , 2018bTaylor , 2019Taylor , 2020Taylor and Roller 2018). ...
... Abbott was by far the Smithsonian's most prolific collector of Indonesian and Malaysian artifacts (Taylor 2002;Taylor and Hamilton 1993;and examples in Taylor and Aragon 1991), and a major collector of ethnographic and biological specimens (mostly mammals and birds) from every region in which he traveled. These examples are a few of those I have described in studies of his vast collections (see Taylor 2002Taylor , 2014Taylor , 2015aTaylor , 2015bTaylor , 2016Taylor , 2017Taylor , 2018aTaylor , 2018bTaylor , 2019Taylor , 2020Taylor and Roller 2018). ...
... Abbott was by far the Smithsonian's most prolific collector of Indonesian and Malaysian artifacts (Taylor 2002;Taylor and Hamilton 1993;and examples in Taylor and Aragon 1991), and a major collector of ethnographic and biological specimens (mostly mammals and birds) from every region in which he traveled. These examples are a few of those I have described in studies of his vast collections (see Taylor 2002Taylor , 2014Taylor , 2015aTaylor , 2015bTaylor , 2016Taylor , 2017Taylor , 2018aTaylor , 2018bTaylor , 2019Taylor , 2020Taylor and Roller 2018). ...
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This paper derives from the joint Smithsonian Institution-A. Kasteyev State Museum of Arts symposium, "Kazakhstan's Crafts and Creative Economy", as one example of the Smithsonian’s contributions in response to the outstanding papers presented by our Kazakhstani colleagues about that topic. Our joint conference was held at the National Building Museum, Washington, D.C., USA, on October 3,2020. As is true of all the other Smithsonian papers presented, this paper “responds” to the approaches applied by our colleagues from the Kasteyev museum to Kazakhstan's crafts, in their papers, by briefly presenting some aspect of current Smithsonian craft studies by researchers in the Smithsonian's Asian Cultural History Program. We can all benefit from sharing ideas and methods about our various approaches to the study of traditional crafts and their contemporary transformations. Certainly all the conference participants, and all who hear or read the papers delivered at this conference, benefit from learning about the rich craft traditions of Kazakhstan so well presented by our colleagues visiting Washington from Almaty. My goal in the present paper is to present a few examples I have found in my own work, specifically on studies of craft within legacy museum collections like those of the Smithsonian, illustrating the importance of integrating the study of museum objects with careful attention to associated archival records. Because of my experience with this phenomenon based on studies in Smithsonian collections, I am often surprised at the number of published craft studies or papers in which original written records about field collections, including field notes or correspondence by the collectors, have not been included within published reports. In visiting collections at many institutions, we may discover the names of collectors of objects, but due to the nature of how scientific or historic data is recorded and kept, the field records of collections, along with correspondence or other written records from their collectors, is not available for study at the same institution.
... 2 William Louis Abbott's collecting and donating were entirely selffinanced, since at the age of 26 (in 1886) Abbott received a large inheritance upon the death of his father. His papers are now found in two of the Smithsonian's major archives (National Anthropological Archives, and the separate Smithsonian 1 Some information presented here about Abbott's background and that of his Smithsonian correspondents is drawn from material previously presented in regional reports on Abbott's Indonesian, Thai, and Madagascar collections (Taylor 2002;Taylor 2014;2015a, 2015b) and on his Turkestan expedition of 1893-1894 (Taylor 2016), as well as a broader survey of collections from Kashmir and Ladakh (Taylor 2017). This paper adds new information for the cultural history of Baltistan. ...
... 11 This theme is found often in Abbott's correspondence about Central Asia, as well when describing his experiences in Africa and Southeast Asia. This author has elsewhere provided perspectives on this travel within the lifelong context of his worldwide collecting beginning in Africa (Taylor 2015a) and extending mostly in Southeast Asia (Taylor, 2002(Taylor, , 2014(Taylor, , 2015b and with reference to his nine expeditions (1891 to 1916) to the Himalayan region and Central Asia (Taylor, 2016, Taylor, 2017. ...
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This paper introduces an important group of unpublished ethnographic and archival materials deriving from two expeditions to Baltistan by the American naturalist collector William Louis Abbott (1860-1935), the first in 1891-1892 and the second in 1912. This paper presents Abbott as a particular type of scientific explorer (the American-naturalist‖), reassesses the importance of this region to him and to Smithsonian scientists of the time, and publishes here for the first time a record of his observations and ethnographic collections from Baltistan. These ethnographic collections, alongside archival correspondence and field notes, form a little-known resource at the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. This paper also summarizes the role Abbott and other-naturalist‖ collectors of this period played within the history of anthropology and museums, and points to some of the many new 21st-century uses of-legacy‖ collections and records of the kind he assembled about this region. Present-day museums often reach out to the descendants of peoples among whom such historic collections were made, inviting them to help interpret and display these artifacts. Museum collections can also thereby help preserve endangered cultural traditions.
... (Roosevelt 1911:855) Efforts by Abbott's Smithsonian correspondents encouraging him to publish formal accounts of his expeditions were to no avail, though Abbott continued an extensive personal, handwritten correspondence. On March 2, 1896, for example, mammalogist F.W. True sent Abbott a letter following up on suggestions from Smithsonian Assistant Secretary Goode, about preparing "some account of the results of your explorations in Africa and Asia published in the Report of the 1 Some information presented here about Abbott's background and that of his Smithsonian correspondents is drawn from material previously presented in regional reports on Abbott's Indonesian, Thai, and Madagascar collections (Taylor 2002;Taylor 2014;2015a, 2015b) and on his Turkestan expedition of 1893-1894 (Taylor 2016). This paper adds new information not only for the cultural history of Kashmir and Ladakh, but also for the broader history of anthropology, on the role of "hunter-naturalist" collecting, based on the study of Abbott's Kashmir and Ladakh expeditions, whose initial primary stated goals involved trophy-game hunting, during the course of which ethnographic collections were also assembled as he developed his collecting methods over time. ...
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This paper introduces an important group of unpublished ethnographic and archival materials deriving from nine separate expeditions to Kashmir and Ladakh, between 1891 and 1915, by the American naturalist collector William Louis Abbott (1860-1935), and re-assesses the importance of this region to him and to Smithsonian scientists of the time. The ethnographic collections from Kashmir and Ladakh Abbott assembled, along with his archival correspondence and field notes, form a little-known and largely unpublished resource at the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Abbott is better known for biological collections he brought to America's "national museum," the Smithsonian, from those expeditions; his ethnographic collections and fieldnotes remain largely unstudied. Abbott's trips to Kashmir and Ladakh are unlike his visits to other regions, because he returned so many times after his first trip, over a 24-year time span interspersed by many expeditions elsewhere. His collecting goals changed over time. This paper assesses the role Abbott and other "naturalist" collectors of this period played within the history of anthropology and museums, and points to some of the many new 21st-century uses of "legacy" collections and records of the kind he assembled about this region.
... (Roosevelt 1911:855) Efforts by Abbott's Smithsonian correspondents encouraging him to publish formal accounts of his expeditions were to no avail, though Abbott continued an extensive personal, handwritten correspondence. On March 2, 1896, for example, mammalogist F.W. True sent Abbott a letter following up on suggestions from Smithsonian Assistant Secretary Goode, about preparing "some account of the results of your explorations in Africa and Asia published in the Report of the 1 Some information presented here about Abbott's background and that of his Smithsonian correspondents is drawn from material previously presented in regional reports on Abbott's Indonesian, Thai, and Madagascar collections (Taylor 2002;Taylor 2014;2015a, 2015b) and on his Turkestan expedition of 1893-1894 (Taylor 2016). This paper adds new information not only for the cultural history of Kashmir and Ladakh, but also for the broader history of anthropology, on the role of "hunter-naturalist" collecting, based on the study of Abbott's Kashmir and Ladakh expeditions, whose initial primary stated goals involved trophy-game hunting, during the course of which ethnographic collections were also assembled as he developed his collecting methods over time. ...
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This paper introduces an important body of ethnographic, biological, and unpublished archival materials deriving from a collecting expedition to Turkestan undertaken from April 1893 to November 1894 by American naturalist William Louis Abbott (1860–1936). Beyond summarising the localities he visited in Turkestan, and the current organization and usefulness of his collections for research, the paper attempts to interpret Abbott's unpublished archival correspondence to assess his collecting focus, biases, and purposes, as well as his perspectives on contemporaneous events in Turkestan and in the neighboring Russian-controlled border areas (today's Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan) into which he also briefly traveled without permission. The results of Abbott's work are having a positive impact on the anthropology, museums, and regional studies right into the 21st century.