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Archaeological assemblages, texts, and iconography indicate a multifaceted, yet often ignored, canine economy in the ancient eastern Mediterranean and Near East. This economy included not only dogs’ celebrated roles as hunting aids, guards, village scavengers, and companions, but also the regular processing, use, and consumption of dogs for foods,...
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... for canine consumption includes two burnt bones and cutmarks on four elements. While canine elements were, in general, more complete than those of other animals, the rates of bone modification (butchery and burning) on canines were similar to those of caprines (Figure 3; see Table 1). The placement of the cuts is consistent with marks produced during either the initial dismemberment or later fileting of the carcass (Binford 1981, 125-136). ...
Context 2
... unfused specimens indicate the presence of some juveniles (less than one year), including the tibia of a very young puppy. A relatively high frequency of the dog specimens exhibit cutmarks (14%) and evidence for burning (12%), the former higher than the proportion of cutmarked caprine bones (see Table 1, Figure 3). ...
Context 3
... of cutmarks and the skeletal parts are similar in all periods (see Figure 3). Specimens with cuts across the ventral portion of the atlas suggest removal of the head, as well as, perhaps, cutting of the throat. ...
Context 4
... were found on 14 specimens throughout the well deposit; four from the intensively studied vertical sample (0.4% of canine NISP), and an additional ten specimens were observed in an ongoing study of the other parts of the well deposit (see Figure 3). Cutmarks consistent with skinning are present on elements of the autopodia, while disarticulation marks were detected on the articular ends of long bones and vertebra. ...
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Citations
... The dog was represented by only one tibia (shin bone), apparently belonging to a domestic individual. It is known that cynophagy (i.e., consumption of dog meat) was practiced across various parts of Anatolia during the Iron Age (Price et al., 2021;Siddiq et al., 2021). However, no butchery or cultural marks were observed on the specimen from Old Smyrna. ...
Siddiq, A. B. (2024). Zooarchaeology of Iron Age occupations at Old Smyrna: 2021-2023 seasons. Arkeometri Sonuçları Toplantısı, 38(1), 27-36.
... Often, people dispose of parts of dead animals in these rivers. Due to the increasing number of animal carcasses thrown in the rivers and their ecological dangers to public health, it is of great importance to conduct a comprehensive study towards improvements in these areas to preserve river health [3]. ...
... The target parasites that can be transmitted through the disposal of carcasses of dead animals in water bodies [2]. The impact of various parasitic species on water quality and exposed ecosystems [3]. The pathways of spreading parasitic species to human communities and animal scavengers [4]. ...
Animal carcasses are currently being thrown into rivers, particularly in Iraq. This situation began when security concerns restricted the way carcasses are disposed of. The carcasses are increasing to the detriment of both the native fish population and people who use the water in their homes. The main concern is the parasitic stages that are present on the carcass skin and muscles. Parasitic transmission through this new practice can directly affect the environment using two adaptive strategies: endoparasites associated with immune disorders and external parasites in direct physical contact with aquatic fauna. An approach investigating a deep understanding of species of interest correlated with socio-economic variables in Al-Diwaniyah Province in the middle of Iraq is lacking [1]. A unified response to resolve this challenge is currently needed. The continuous dumping of animals in the rivers of the third qualification material prevents humans from using the water systems for domestic purposes and threatens the health of both native and exotic aquatic species. This issue should be addressed. Branching from this point, the irrigation and drinking segment of those who are most affected, often the most critically important for human security, can be examined through a network of diseases and may lead to innovative methods for investigation [2].
... However, two charred dog bones at Aramus are argued to be possible signs of cynophagy (Küchelmann et al., 2017, p. 128). Zooarchaeological studies also indicate that throughout the Late Iron Age, cynophagy was in common practice across Anatolia (Turkiye), Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean (Price et al., 2021;Siddiq et al., 2021;Wapnish and Hesse, 1993). Therefore, the butchering marks on the dog bones from the Ayanis outer town are interpreted as cynophagy practiced by the enslaved population integrated into this settlement, but still practicing their foreign cultures (Stone, 2005;Stone andZimansky, 2003, 2001). ...
... In effect, dogs are the original example of a species domesticated for their secondary products-humans benefit from the animal while keeping it alive [7][8][9]. Yet, the frequency of dog bones mixed in with food debris suggests that they have also played a significant role in subsistence as primary products [10]. ...
... They are also found mixed in with food debris. The presence of loose dog bones in and among food debris assemblages may suggest canids that were also consumed [5,10,[18][19][20]. Yet it is difficult to truly determine whether the loose canid bones in zooarchaeological assemblages really represent food debris or are simply remains that became disarticulated for a variety of reasons. ...
It has been argued that the increase in the consumption of dogs in the southern Levant during the Iron Age was due to the advent of the Philistines/“Sea Peoples” into the region. In this study, we test this proposal through the presentation of new information on dog consumption and its depositional context in Bronze and Iron Age strata from the archaeological site of Tell Zirāʿa (Jordan), and we compare the results to other sites in the region. Our study does not support that such behaviour is a signal of ethnic identity.
... Although the precise relationships between co-buried humans and dogs is unclear, it does suggest an intimate ontological connection between the two species. For dogs, hunting aids and companionship are often listed as the primary motivations, while food source is generally rejected despite widespread archaeological evidence that both wolves and dogs were consumed (Price et al. 2021). Serpell (2021) points out that untrained village dogs rarely make effective hunting aids and suggests that early dogs may not have had any practical uses at all. ...
... The cutmark evidence on the dog remains from Helawa indicate skinning for hides, but the hypothesis that this activity may have been part of the process of butchery for meat cannot be excluded. The exploitation of dog meat and/or treatment of dog carcasses is widely documented in Near East and seems to be linked to a wide range of practices that involved this animal species from ritual to magical and festive consumption with different social, economical and cultural significance which must be analysed on a caseby-case basis (Price, Meier and Arbuckle 2020). (CM, YN) ...
... However, no signs of cynophagy (dogeating) was also observed at either of these sites (Boessneck and Kokabi, 1988;Oberrnaier, 2006). Nevertheless, zooarchaeological studies indicate that throughout the Late Iron Age cynophagy was in common practice in Eastern Turkiye, Western Turkey, Aegean as well as across the Eastern Mediterranean (Price et al., 2021;Siddiq et al., 2021;Wapnish and Hesse, 1993). Hence, the butchering marks on the dog bones from the Ayanis outer town could be practiced by the enslaved population integrated into Urartian settlements, but still practicing their foreign cultures (Stone, 2005;Stone andZimansky, 2003, 2001). ...
Throughout over 30 years of expeditions at Ayanis citadel animal bones were of rare finds and mostly remained unreported. Here, this study presents the first zooarchaeological analyses of 10,553 animal bones and their fragments, predominantly unearthed from a royal midden of the citadel. The analyses were primarily based on the identification of species, age, sex, marks and modifications, and general pathological changes on mainly of 4,028 specimens observed with a diagnostic zone (DZ). Extensive measurements were taken to construct a reliable zooarchaeological dataset for the site and comparisons in future studies. Logarithmic Size Index (LSI) was calculated to understand the morphological status of Ayanis sheep, goats and cattle, as well as comparing with these domestic livestock in other Iron Ages sites. The results were further compared with faunal remains from contemporary Urartian sites including Bastam in northwestern Iran, and Karmir–Blur and Horom in western Armenia. Beyond epigraphic and textual sources, the study concludes with some direct archaeological evidence on both the roles of animals in food habit, rituals and animal (pig) taboo practiced by the Urartian elites at Ayanis citadel, as well as the bio-metric status of domestic livestock, and animal–human interactions within the broader socio-economic contexts of the Urartian world.
... The preliminary zooarchaeological study at Petsas House detected diverse taxa in a sample of the well deposit in Room П, including more abundant remains of pigs and smaller wild animals than most contemporaneous sites in the region [34]. The remains suggest reliable economic access to meat, including from dogs [35]. Still, the faunal economic record in the well may have been transformed by processes related to the earlier destruction event. ...
... df = 18, p <0.0001, φ c = 0.259, S9 File). One upper deposit sample may have been more gnawed (35), but the strength of association for this test was weak (gnawed vs. not χ 2 = 42.208, df = 18, p = 0.001, φ c = 0.069, S10 File). ...
... df = 18, p = 0.001, φ c = 0.069, S10 File). Samples with significantly higher proportions of larger (>2 cm) than smaller (<2 cm) bone fragments without new breakage were mainly detected in the upper half of the deposit and the strength of this association was also weak (15,(30)(31)(32)(33)(34)(35)45, and 75; larger vs. smaller fragments χ 2 = 67.548, df = 18, p <0.0001, φ c = 0.087, S11 File). ...
At the renowned archaeological site of Mycenae, striking depictions of animals in ancient art and architecture, such as the ‘Lion Gate’, reflect the great power of elite residents in the Late Bronze Age. To better understand how social complexity relates to human-animal interactions at Mycenae, more research is needed on the animals who actually lived there. In a first for the archaeological site of Mycenae, we utilized a contextual taphonomic approach and statistical analysis to study a faunal assemblage, focusing on a massive deposit recovered from a well feature located in Room Π of Petsas House. Petsas House was an industrial-residential complex at Mycenae used at least in part by ceramic artisans at the time of its destruction in the Late Helladic IIIA2 period. Intra-contextual analysis of the animal remains detected sub-assemblages with variable histories of animal use and deposition. The results revealed multiple disposal events and possible dog interments. Most of the refuse in the well likely originated from rubbish piles in the surrounding rooms and periphery that were cleaned after a destructive earthquake. Together, the faunal evidence yielded a more nuanced, possibly seasonal picture of animal access than previously available at this important political center. The results provide new insights into the diverse and resilient resource provisioning strategies available to extra-palatial residents of Mycenae, especially those who participated in craft production and trade networks at the height of the palatial period.
... While the stable isotope evidence supports the establishment of close dog-human relationships from at least the Neolithic onwards, morphometric and archaeological data suggest an evolution of this relationship. Cutmarks and burning on remains from the Neolithic sites in Dalmatia are likely the result of low-level consumption of dogs, as has been demonstrated in Greece and the Middle East during the Classical Period (Price et al. 2021). The absence of cutmarks and burning at later settlement sites in Lika and Dalmatia and intentional disposal fully articulated dog skeletons, such as those at the hillfort of Velika Karaula in Lika, suggest increasingly close-knit human-dog relationships. ...
Since their domestication, dogs have adapted to a diverse portfolio of roles within human societies, and changes in dog size, shape, and behavior are often key indicators of these changes. Among pastoral and agropastoral societies dogs are almost ubiquitous as livestock guardians and herding aids. Archaeological data demonstrate that incoming Neolithic farmers brought with them their own morphologically distinct dogs when they spread into Europe, and that these dogs became larger in the Bronze and Iron Ages. Using archaeological data from the eastern Adriatic region we suggest that changes in the morphology and treatment of dog remains by these societies reflect, in part, the significance of dogs in livestock management including guarding herds kept at distances from villages. Bronze and Iron Age increases in body size, in particular, may track the increasing importance of seasonal transhumance.
... Numerous cemeteries filled with millions of canine votive mummies, meant as offerings, have also been excavated in Egypt, although some burials dating after 664 BCE included dogs in immediate association with humans, suggesting a more intimate relationship (Ikram, 2013). All together, these various depositions may indicate petkeeping, friendship, ritual, shamanic use or other relationship between dogs and humans (Perri, 2017), although caution should be exercised in assigning current-day emotion and beliefs about humandog relationships into the past (Price, Meier, & Arbuckle, 2021). Additional evidence for human-dog relationships has been identified from rock art in north-western Saudi Arabia, which illustrates male and female dogs as hunting companions (some of which were leashed) in the seventh and eighth millennia BCE (Guagnin, Perri, & Petraglia, 2018). ...
The vast majority of individuals who died during the Umm an-Nar period (2700–2000 BCE) of the Early Bronze Age (3200–2000 BCE) in south-eastern Arabia were interred within large communal tombs, and following decomposition, their skeletons became commingled with others. Here, two women are discussed whose skeletons remained articulated – one from Unar 2 at Shimal, and one from Tell Abraq. The Unar 2 female was left unburned, exhibited a pathological lesion on her talus, and was directly associated with an articulated dog, indicating that she may have en- gaged in hunting or herding activities despite her reduced mobility. The Tell Abraq woman suffered from paralytic poliomyelitis, suggesting that she received care as a member of her community despite her disability and non-local status. Whatever the role these women played in Umm an-Nar society, both were set apart in meaningful ways, speaking to an identity that granted them special status in death.