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Gender gap in intended uptake of parental leave by country. Scores are based on the estimated means (i.e., subtracting the intercept for men from the intercept for women, when individual-and site-level control variables are held constant). Values above 0 indicate how many more weeks of leave women intend to take than men.
Source publication
Despite global commitments and efforts, a gender‐based division of paid and unpaid work persists. To identify how psychological factors, national policies, and the broader sociocultural context contribute to this inequality, we assessed parental‐leave intentions in young adults (18–30 years old) planning to have children (N = 13,942; 8,880 identifi...
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... first aim of the present research was to examine whether there is cross-national variability in the gender gap in caregiving intentions. Descriptive analyses showed that women intend to take longer leave than do men in all countries (see Figure 1). The gender gap in leave intentions ranged from 0.79 weeks (in Tanzania) to 45.79 weeks (in Russia). ...
Context 2
... and Subjective SES by Gender and Country Table SI3. Correlations between the Gender Gap in the Intended Uptake of Parental Leave and Country-Level Variables Figure SI1. Intended uptake of parental leave by gender and sexual orientation. ...
Context 3
... first aim of the present research was to examine whether there is cross-national variability in the gender gap in caregiving intentions. Descriptive analyses showed that women intend to take longer leave than do men in all countries (see Figure 1). The gender gap in leave intentions ranged from 0.79 weeks (in Tanzania) to 45.79 weeks (in Russia). ...
Context 4
... and Subjective SES by Gender and Country Table SI3. Correlations between the Gender Gap in the Intended Uptake of Parental Leave and Country-Level Variables Figure SI1. Intended uptake of parental leave by gender and sexual orientation. ...
Context 5
... first aim of the present research was to examine whether there is cross-national variability in the gender gap in caregiving intentions. Descriptive analyses showed that women intend to take longer leave than do men in all countries (see Figure 1). The gender gap in leave intentions ranged from 0.79 weeks (in Tanzania) to 45.79 weeks (in Russia). ...
Citations
... This gap is reflected in the lower presence of women and the higher predominance of men in STEM fields, while in the Social Sciences and Humanities, women predominate and men are underrepresented (World Economic Forum, 2023). The situation is concerning due to the lack of an integrated model that explains the factors influencing the gender gap, considering sociocultural (Olsson et al., 2023;Presler-Marshall et al., 2024), psychological (Bertoletti et al., 2023), cognitive (Kaya, 2023), contextual (Echavarren, 2023), and collaborative aspects (Borgonovi et al., 2023). ...
Introduction
Gender stereotypes considerably influence human behavior, creating gaps between men and women in higher education. Society faces the challenge of preventing the loss of human talent in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) disciplines and Social Sciences and Humanities (SSH). However, it remains unclear which factors influence the gender gap that may hinder attracting and retaining female talent in these fields. This study aimed to develop and validate an instrument, the ‘Assessing Gender Gap Factors in Higher Education’ (FACT-GÉN), to identify and measure the factors influencing the gender gap.
Method
This study employed an instrumental design to develop and validate the ‘Assessing Gender Gap Factors in Higher Education’ (FACT-GÉN) instrument. Using a cross-sectional quantitative approach, data were collected from 851 students across STEM and Social Sciences and Humanities (SSH) disciplines to ensure the instrument’s reliability and validity. Internal Consistency Analysis was conducted to assess the reliability of the identified factors, followed by Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) to identify underlying structures, and Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) to validate the instrument’s structure.
Results
The model demonstrated a good fit to the data, with indices such as CFI (0.911), TLI (0.894), and RMSEA (0.049), supporting its validity. The scaled chi-square difference test confirmed the adjusted model’s superiority over the null model [χ²_diff(4) = 30.805, p < 0.001]. Internal consistency was acceptable, with Cronbach’s alpha ranging from 0.62 to 0.78, and McDonald’s omega from 0.69 to 0.80. The strong factor loadings and significant correlations between the latent factors validated the model’s structure, making it a reliable tool for addressing the gender gap in academic fields.
Discussion
The validated instrument offers valuable data for research and policy, aiding efforts to mitigate the gender gap and promote equity in academia. This study highlights the instrument’s effectiveness in identifying barriers and formulating solutions for gender equality, thus filling a critical gap with a reliable tool to address the gender gap in higher education.
... Although both fathers and mothers in Western societies have been spending more time with their children in recent decades, fathers' (expected) contributions to the total amount of time parents spend on childcare among partners in women/man dyads remain rather limited (Dotti Sani, 2020;Dotti Sani & Treas, 2016;Pailhé et al., 2021;Steinbach & Schulz, 2022;Wei, 2020). Using the same dataset as in the present work, Olsson et al. (2023), for example, found that across 37 countries, women intended to take longer leave than men in all countries. Furthermore, fathers' lower engagement in childcare has concerning consequences such as lower career opportunities for women and marital dissatisfaction among couples (Carlson et al., 2016;Croft et al., 2019), and lower well-being for both fathers and their children (Meeussen et al., 2020). ...
... To do so, we investigate a large selection of countries with varying gender inequality in childcare and varying parental leave policies. To focus on the relationship between parental leave policies and norms, we do not examine the actual leave that (new) fathers take (as this is a different question about whether such policies are effective in incentivizing behaviour) or on people's intentions to take care of their children (for this, see Olsson et al., 2023). Rather, we examine the relationship between parental leave policies and young people's estimates of current gender norms. ...
... On the one hand, one could assume that longer available leave length signals that equal childcare division between mothers and fathers is a socially approved option within the society (prescriptive norm). On the other hand, the gender gap regarding intentions to take leave is consistently found to increase with longer possible leave duration (Olsson et al., 2023;Tharp & Parks-Stamm, 2021). Longer leave length may hence signal desirability of investment in childcare within traditional gender roles. ...
In the present work, we addressed the relationship between parental leave policies and social norms. Using a pre‐registered, cross‐national approach, we examined the relationship between parental leave policies and the perception of social norms for the gender division of childcare. In this study, 19,259 students (11,924 women) from 48 countries indicated the degree to which they believe childcare is (descriptive norm) and should be (prescriptive norm) equally divided among mothers and fathers. Policies were primarily operationalized as the existence of parental leave options in the respective country. The descriptive and prescriptive norms of equal division of childcare were stronger when parental leave was available in a country – also when controlling for potential confounding variables. Moreover, analyses of time since policy change suggested that policy change may initially affect prescriptive norms and then descriptive norms at a later point. However, due to the cross‐sectional nature of the data, drawing causal inferences is difficult.
... Second, societal-level gender and family norms, particularly the prevailing level of gender egalitarianism, provide an additional explanation for women's realised parental leave lengths (Hsiao, 2023;Olsson et al., 2023). Literature shows that societal norms on the maternal role might moderate the impact of public parental leave policies on women's leave uptake and work resumption, emphasising the role of women's compliance with gendered mothering norms such as the 'good mother' and their perception of this normative behaviour (Morgenroth & Heilman, 2017). ...
Public parental leave schemes aim to facilitate women’s reconciliation of family and employment after their transition into motherhood. While parental leave policies underwent several reforms over the past decades, adapting to changing female labour market participation and family cultures, the available entitlements are not tailored to women’s individual circumstances and needs. It remains unclear how these affect the women’s parental leave uptake, particularly the leave length. In this paper, we followed an exploratory and descriptive approach to study the selection of women into different parental leave lengths with changing public parental leave entitlements in Germany and according to their individual characteristics. We use data from the German Statutory Pension Fund on 29,001 women born between 1955 and 1984 who had their first child between 1991 and 2016 at the ages 20–39. We estimate linear regression and discrete-time proportional hazard models to examine associations between women’s characteristics and their length of leave. We identify the effects of two major parental leave reforms in Germany in 1992 and 2007 in a Regression Discontinuity Design. Our results show that the general extension of available parental leave entitlements in 1992 increased the likelihood of women’s parental leave uptake between 25 and 36 months. For women who became mothers at an older age, had a high income before transitioning into motherhood, or with higher education; however, the likelihood of parental leave uptake of 2 months increased. The reform of 2007 led to an increased likelihood of leave uptake longer than 2 months for these women. These findings suggest that women with a higher labour market attachment have responded more strongly to the changes in parental leave benefits in Germany.
... Additionally, families are entitled to an extended partial care allowance until the child reaches the age of 3. Bulgaria offers relatively shorter parental leave duration than Nordic countries, with mothers entitled to 410 days and fathers to 15 days of leave (see Table 1 below). [18,19,20,21,22,23] Based on Table 1 above, this generous duration allows for flexible leave distribution between both parents. However, additional unpaid leave options are available. ...
This study examines paid parental leave policies across selected countries, including Sweden, Finland, Bulgaria, Iceland, Estonia, and Kazakhstan. By conducting a comparative analysis of key parameters such as duration, eligibility criteria, benefit levels, and specific provisions for mothers and fathers, the study identifies trends, disparities, and best practices within these frameworks. Results reveal that Nordic countries like Sweden and Finland offer extensive and inclusive parental leave provisions, which support gender equality and work-life balance. In contrast, countries such as Bulgaria and Kazakhstan exhibit more constrained policies characterized by shorter durations and lower benefits. The findings underscore the significance of robust parental leave policies in supporting working families, promoting gender equality, and enhancing societal well-being. This comparative study illustrates how the conditions of paid parental leave policies vary significantly due to the economic backgrounds and financial development of the selected regions. This analysis would help to identify best practices that could be adapted to various socio-economic contexts, fostering a more inclusive and equitable society. Future research should explore the long-term effects of these policies on workforce participation and child development outcomes.
... Individual gender role attitudes within these countries also tend to be more egalitarian such that men are generally expected to share more equally in household tasks and childrearing (Fetterolf & Rudman, 2014;Kunovich & Kunovich, 2008;Poortman & Van Der Lippe, 2009), though these levels never quite reach that of women (World Economic Forum, 2023). More egalitarian countries are also more likely to offer public and private services and support, such as out of home childcare, that households can access to offset some of the domestic and caring burden that would otherwise fall to women (Crompton & Lyonette, 2006;Olsson et al., 2023). ...
The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic saw a shift toward a more traditional division of labor–one where women took greater responsibility for household tasks and childcare than men. We tested whether this regressive shift was more acutely perceived and experienced by women in countries with greater gender equality. Cross-cultural longitudinal survey data for women and men (N = 10,238) was collected weekly during the first few months of the pandemic. Multilevel modelling analyses, based on seven waves of data collection, indicated that a regressive shift was broadly perceived but not uniformly felt. Women and men alike perceived a shift toward a more traditional division of household labor during the first few weeks of the pandemic. However, this perception only undermined women’s satisfaction with their personal relationships and subjective mental health if they lived in countries with higher levels of economic gender equality. Among women in countries with lower levels of economic gender equality, the perceived shift predicted higher relationship satisfaction and mental health. There were no such effects among men. Taken together, our results suggest that subjective perceptions of disempowerment, and the gender role norms that underpin them, should be considered when examining the gendered impact of global crisis.
... Male managers and leaders who role model equal parenting may also help to achieve these aims. Organizational and governmental policy that introduces a wellpaid, nontransferable "use it or lose it" policy for parental leave of fathers and secondary caregivers may also help to normalize men's equal participation in caregiving [66], as well as initiatives that address men's own gender role attitudes and biases [67]. ...
(1) Background: Despite the progress made by women in the workplace, mothers still face systemic barriers that prevent them from advancing professionally. This “motherhood penalty” involves a variety of discriminatory practices and experiences that mothers can face at work, including being held to stricter standards regarding salary and recruitment. Despite ongoing research on the association between motherhood and career outcomes, few studies specifically explore how motherhood impacts career advancement and, consequently, access to leadership. This scoping review seeks to gain an understanding of how motherhood impacts women’s career progression, and how interventions can address the underrepresentation of mothers in leadership. (2) Methods: Following the PRISMA-ScR framework, we analyzed 52 articles from 2010 to 2022, drawn from 10 databases. (3) Results: The results showed both negative and positive impacts of motherhood on career progression, affecting mothers’ attitudes, feelings, and behaviors and yielding changes in interpersonal relationships and work conditions. Intersectionality is highlighted, urging a nuanced examination of challenges faced by mothers from a diversity of backgrounds. Recommendations for interventions include individual and institutional efforts, comprising societal support structures, organizational policy changes, and cultural shifts. (4) Conclusions: This scoping review offers an updated perspective on a classic challenge, providing practical insights for a more inclusive and structural understanding of the career trajectories of working mothers.
... Moreover, much of the research has been conducted on men from WEIRD countries (Western, Educated, Independent, Rich and Democratic, Henrich et al., 2010). Nevertheless there is movement here too, with two large scale cross-national studies on gender and men's roles with data from 62 and 49 countries, respectively, [Towards Gender Harmony project (TGH) and Understanding Communal Roles in Men project (UCOM), see Bosson et al., 2021Bosson et al., , 2022Kosakowska-Berezecka et al., 2022Olsson et al., 2023;Saxler et al., 2024]. Efforts to address gender equality for men thus also need to examine the role of such differences in culture, ethnicity, religion, gender and sexual identities. ...
While much progress has been made towards gender equality, diversity and inclusion in the workplace, education and society, recent years have also revealed continuing challenges that slow or halt this progress. To date, the majority of gender equality action has tended to approach gender equality from one side: being focused on the need to remove barriers for girls and women. We argue that this is only half the battle, and that a focus on men is MANdatory, highlighting three key areas: First, we review men’s privileged status as being potentially threatened by progress in gender equality, and the effects of these threats for how men engage in gender-equality progress. Second, we highlight how men themselves are victims of restrictive gender roles, and the consequences of this for men’s physical and mental health, and for their engagement at work and at home. Third, we review the role of men as allies in the fight for gender equality, and on the factors that impede and may aid in increasing men’s involvement. We end with recommendations for work organizations, educational institutions and society at large to reach and involve men as positive agents of social change.
... Nevertheless, women continue to be more affected by the transition to parenthood and after becoming a parent often reduce their work hours while increasing time spent on childcare and household tasks (Abele and Spurk, 2011;Baxter et al., 2015). Women across cultural contexts also at a young age already have higher intentions than men to take parental leave (Olsson et al., 2023) and continue to be overrepresented relative to men in actual leave uptake (Koslowski et al., 2022). A more equal share of parental leave among women and men has been discussed as a way to promote gender equality (Castro-García and Pazos-Moran, 2016;Meeussen et al., 2020), especially during the transition to parenthood when gender-role attitudes and the gendered division of labor tend to become more traditional (Baxter et al., 2015). ...
... Various reasons for men's comparatively low interest in and uptake of parental leave have been discussed in the literature. Whereas external barriers such as the lack of sufficient income replacement during leave are often emphasized (e.g., Castro-García and Pazos-Moran, 2016; Karu and Tremblay, 2018;Kaufman, 2018), a recent examination of young men's (and women's) intentions to take parental leave across 37 nations suggests that individual-level factors such as men's gender role attitudes outweigh country-level factors such as specific leave policies (Olsson et al., 2023). The goal of the current study is to have a closer look at such psychological contributors to men's parental leave-taking intentions before birth. ...
... Generally, less traditional gender role attitudes were related to higher intentions to take leave, higher chances to do so, and longer leave length (Hyde et al., 1993; Frontiers in Psychology 03 frontiersin.org Vogt and Pull, 2010;Duvander, 2014;Olsson et al., 2023). However, in more recent research men's leave length was neither predicted by their own nor by their partners' gender role attitudes (in a United States context and German-speaking countries; Stertz et al., 2017;Berrigan et al., 2021). ...
Despite continuing progress, men remain underrepresented in childcare, domestic labor, and other care work. Because parental leave is discussed as a gateway to increasing men’s childcare engagement, we aimed to gain insights into predictors of men’s parental leave-taking intentions during the transition to parenthood. Using outcomes on a continuum from behavioral preferences to more behavior-oriented measures, we examine how masculinity and fatherhood beliefs as well as social support become relevant during men’s formation of their leave-taking intentions. Planned analyses of data collected from 143 expectant fathers in Belgium and Germany revealed that the support men perceive from their partners for taking leave predicts their parental leave-taking desire, intention, and planned length of leave. Moreover, men’s conception of a prototypical man, especially in terms of agency, was linked to their desire to take leave. Against expectations, father role attitudes and workplace support did not emerge as relevant predictors of men’s intended leave-taking. Results of exploratory analyses suggest that care engagement of peers, expected backlash, and self-efficacy beliefs additionally play a role in men’s intended leave-taking. We discuss parental leave as a negotiation process within couples and review the role of men’s normative environment for their intended leave-taking.
... University students tend to represent the upper social classes, hence the importance to replicate these findings with representative samples. Nevertheless, the findings on the current population are still noteworthy as university students may later hold politically influential positions that shape social development (Meeussen et al., 2016;Olsson et al., 2023). Another issue with the current analyses was power: The present data lacked statistical power to detect small effects at the country level with the available subsamples, which explains why the shift in descriptive norms was significant across countries, but not statistically significant within any single country. ...
Using data from 15 countries, this article investigates whether descriptive and prescriptive gender norms concerning housework and child care (domestic work) changed after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Results of a total of 8,343 participants (M = 19.95, SD = 1.68) from two comparable student samples suggest that descriptive norms about unpaid domestic work have been affected by the pandemic, with individuals seeing mothers' relative to fathers' share of housework and child care as even larger. Moderation analyses revealed that the effect of the pandemic on descriptive norms about child care decreased with countries' increasing levels of gender equality; countries with stronger gender inequality showed a larger difference between pre-and post-pandemic. This study documents a shift in descriptive norms and discusses implications for gender equality-emphasizing the importance of addressing the additional challenges that mothers face during health-related crises.
... In relation to the sample, cross-cultural work is also encouraged. The present study was conducted in Sweden, and as previous research show ( Kosakowska-Berezecka et al., 2022;Olsson et al., 2023) national level gender equality and individual level gender attitudes matter for gender egalitarian behaviors and self-attributions. ...
This study investigates prescriptive (how women and men should be) and proscriptive (how women and men should not be) gender stereotypes in Sweden and how these stereotypes relate to self‐ascribed gendered traits. In an online survey with students at three major universities ( N = 679) it was found that participants believed that the societal view was that women should be more communal than men, but less dominant and men should be more agentic than women, but less weak. In comparison, self‐ratings only differed for communion, such that women rated themselves as more communal than men (there were no differences in self‐ratings of agency, dominance, or weakness). Thus, prescriptive and proscriptive stereotypes and self‐views differed. Women mainly perceived differences between self‐ratings and prescriptions of communion, whereas men mainly perceived differences between self‐ratings and prescriptions of agency. Moreover, women mainly perceived differences between self‐ratings and proscriptions of dominance, and men mainly perceived differences between self‐ratings and proscriptions of weakness. Hence, both women and men perceive larger gaps between self‐evaluations and societally desired and undesired gender stereotypical traits. Future studies should investigate the consequences of such mismatches.
