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In this paper, we analyze political debates about headscarves and honour-related crimes in France and the Netherlands. We
seek to explain why and how France and the Netherlands have come to unevenly politicize headscarves and honour crimes. Moreover,
we try to understand how the argument of gender equality is increasingly used by different actors i...
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... Furthermore, the historical and ongoing global discourse around gender equality and religious expression reveals a complex landscape where legal, social, and ethical dimensions intersect. Legal precedents from various jurisdictions demonstrate the challenges in balancing individual rights against collective social goals, where the judiciary often navigates between upholding religious freedoms and endorsing secu-lar, inclusive public policies [3]. This balance is crucial in multicultural societies where diverse religious practices coexist with secular laws, often leading to conflicts that necessitate nuanced and context-sensitive resolutions. ...
... Furthermore, the reaction to the jilbab ban reveals the tension between state-led modernization efforts and community-based responses that prioritize cultural and religious continuity. Media coverage and public debates often reflect these tensions, showing a society that is negotiating its path forward amidst diverse opinions on gender equality and religious freedom [3]. These discussions are not confined to legal or political arenas but are deeply embedded in the everyday cultural and social interactions of Indonesians. ...
... In the Netherlands, the field of formal regulation has been very dispersed. Rather than a focus on efforts to create new laws (though those did exist), the headscarf was largely regulated through bottom-up conflict in multiple domains of school, university, leisure, sport, and government (Roggeband and Lettinga, 2016). Advisory rulings of the precursor to the Dutch Commission for Human Rights often protected the right of women to cover themselves but pressures to limit that right continue to be exerted throughout all domains of social life. ...
In this article, we analyze headscarf debates that unfolded in the first decade of the twenty-first century in France, the Netherlands, and Germany. Through a socio-historical overview looking at newspaper articles and policy and legal documents, we show how the headscarf has become a site for negotiating immigrant-related, postcolonial difference. We argue that certain feminist understanding of gender liberation and postcolonial difference in the headscarf debates reveal the continuity of control mechanisms from the colonial to the postcolonial era. We highlight the possibilities for decolonial thought and practice by centering the situatedness of headscarf. This allows us to show how Muslim citizens are active participants in producing contemporary Western European histories even as some of their practices face overt rejection. Article 2 Social Compass 00(0) Résumé Dans cet article, nous analysons les débats sur le foulard qui se sont déroulés au cours de la première décennie du 21 e siècle en France, aux Pays-Bas et en Allemagne. Au travers d'un retour sur le contexte socio-historique examinant des articles de journaux, des documents politiques et juridiques, nous démontrons que le foulard est devenu un lieu de négociation de la différence post-coloniale des migrant·e·s. Nous soutenons qu'une certaine compréhension féministe de la libération des genres et de la différence postcoloniale dans les débats sur le foulard, révèle la continuité des mécanismes de contrôle de l'ère coloniale à l'ère postcoloniale. Nous soulignons les possibilités de la pensée et de la pratique décoloniale en nous concentrant sur l'intégration contextuelle du foulard. Cela nous permet de montrer les manières avec lesquelles les citoyen·ne·s musulman·e·s participent activement à la production des histoires contemporaines de l'Europe occidentale, même si certaines de leurs pratiques se heurtent à un rejet déclaré.
... Throughout Europe, refugees' gender-role values have become the subject of heated public debates over the last years, especially after reported sexual assaults at the 2015/16 New Year's Eve festivities in Cologne (Triandafyllidou 2018). In this debate, the argument that refugees' more traditional gender-role values are a barrier to their social integration, a view traditionally held by the populist right (Korteweg and Yurdakul 2014), is increasingly found in mainstream public debates in Europe as well (Roggeband and Lettinga 2016;Lenneis and Agergaard 2018;Bonjour and Duyvendak 2018). We consider refugee women to be a particularly interesting case because many come from countries with traditional gender-role values where men are household heads (Kelly and Breslin 2010). ...
This article investigates whether gender-role values are linked to refugee women's social contact in Germany. By building on the "preferences-third parties-opportunities" framework, we explicate a direct and an indirect path through which gender-role values may be related to refugee women's minority-majority, intra-minority, and inter-minority contact. By applying median regressions, marginal structural models, and inverse probability of treatment weighting to data from the 2016 IAB-BAMF-SOEP refugee survey, we show that refugee women's own gender-traditional values and those of their partners are associated both directly and indirectly with less social contact for these women. Effects of gender-role values on refugee women's social contact are more pronounced for minority-majority contact than for the other two types of social contact assessed. With the effects of refugee women's and their partners' gender-role values being rather small against alternative explanatory factors, we conclude that in contrast to the view traditionally held by the populist right, traditional gender-role values hold refugee women back from establishing social contact in the host society only to a very limited extent.
... These nuanced perspectives have been shaded out in the current political climate with the rise of nationalist populist parties, in which the burqa are interwoven in public discourse in an attempt to construct a majoritarian vision of national identity: what it means to be British, Dutch, French, or Austrian. These movements have not only co-opted the gender-equality position as a motivation for campaigns to deny citizenship to Muslims (Roggeband and Lettinga 2016), but have also framed the debates in either/or terms: religious rights versus pluralism; accommodation versus civic participation; integration versus terrorist threat. ...
... However, our research fits within approaches that carefully question the utility of such overarching generalizations and that look instead at specific policy arenas to understand how different states may or may not treat immigrants differentially (Mügge and de Jong 2013). While we have made claims in the past regarding the types of states these countries represent, we find it more useful to trace the development of state responsibility and differential inclusion as not determined by an overarching regime orientation such as multiculturalism or ethnonationalism (see also Roggeband and Lettinga 2014). The comparison rather allows us to identify similarities and differences that illuminate the overall trajectory of policy development in each country, with implications for other policy domains and policy development elsewhere. ...
From 2004, the Dutch parliament developed a comprehensive response to honor-based violence, initially in consultation with immigrant and nonimmigrant political actors, while German politicians used honor-based violence to justify the restriction of immigrants from membership, portraying them as problematic subjects. More recently, the influence of immigrant actors on Dutch policy has waned, while in Germany policy continues to develop haphazardly with generally limited support for gendered violence services. Analyzing media and policy debates, we turn to the concepts of state responsibility and differential inclusion to show how actors engaged with these policies intersectionally produce national membership along gendered and racialized lines.
... The Muslim headscarf is widely perceived as a symbol of women's oppression and, hence, opposed to western perceptions of gender equality (Kiliç, Saharso, & Sauer, 2008;Roggeband & Verloo, 2007;Scott, 2007). Accordingly, studies conducted in different European countries reveal how gender equality has become a central argument in disputes about the headscarf (Roggeband & Lettinga, 2016;Rosenberger & Sauer, 2012). ...
In 2016 women-only swimming sessions targeting Muslims made the headlines in the Danish media, precipitating great discussion about whether such sessions contributed to or impeded social integration. This article focuses on the debate in the city council of Aarhus concerning women-only swimming activities that had existed for 10 years and had been well attended. Yet, after a year of discussion, the city council voted for a municipality-wide ban on women-only swimming during public opening hours. The popularity and longevity of the sessions pose the question: Why and how has women-only swimming become a ‘problem’, in other words a leisure time physical activity that challenges current discourses on immigration and integration? The debate on women-only swimming is an interesting case to study as it testifies not only to an increasing focus on the civic integration of ethnic minorities, including their leisure practices, but also to strong resistance by the general public and the women affected. Drawing on a postcolonial feminist perspective, our analysis shows how perceptions of Danishness, gender equality and non-religious leisure become central arguments in the debate, pointing to various ways in which understandings of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, religion and nation intersect in the current restrictive politics of belonging.
... The FN fits Mudde's definition of a populist radical right party. 2. Exceptions include Bonjour (2010) and Roggeband and Lettinga (2014). 3. The first council (1989)(1990)(1991)(1992)(1993)(1994) ...
Immigrant integration has been on the political agenda in France since at least the late 1980s, yet starting in the early 2000s this issue became bound up with concerns about the oppression of minority women. This article examines the evolution of the issue over two decades, pinpointing when and why debates over integration took on a gendered cast. The article’s explanation centres on two factors – the growing threat of the Front National coupled with the legitimation of gender-based claims in French politics. These claims were embraced by conservative politicians seeking to adopt a harder line toward immigration and led to the refashioning of core Republican concepts such as égalité and laïcité as being about gender equality. The use of similar themes by the Front National as it has sought to move in from the political fringe reveals how gendered claims can be deployed in an effort to keep anti-immigrant policies within the boundaries of liberal values.
... Current research remains unclear about how gender has shaped migration policies before becoming a signpost of cultural difference and before normative framings of gender equality became widespread during the past decade. Most contributions are based on the analysis of distinct incidents and historical moments, often focusing on the culturalisation of Muslim women and men (Korteweg and Yurdakul, 2009;Roggeband and Lettinga, 2014). Little effort has been made to trace historical trajectories that have led to shifting boundaries, and to illuminate changing roles of gender as a boundary marker (exceptions are Schrover and Moloney, 2013;Roggeband and Verloo, 2007). ...
... Conversely, the emerging cultural bias implies a qualitative change of the differences established between 'us' and 'them'. As a marker of cultural difference gender contributes to a hierarchical and moral juxtaposition of qualities and characteristics perceived as genuinely Swiss with features considered as culturally different and inferior (see also Dietze, 2009;Roggeband and Lettinga, 2014). ...
The literature increasingly recognises the importance of gender in defining the boundaries between national societies and migrants. But little is still known about the history and changes of mechanisms that shape the role of gender as category of difference. Based on a critical case study of Switzerland, this article examines how gender is implicated in the politics of migrant admission and incorporation and underlying notions of ‘the other’. Drawing on theories of boundary work, we show that gendered representations of migrants are mobilised by different actors to advance their claims and calls for certain forms of immigration control and migrant integration. Since the late 19th century, gendered representations of Swiss nationals and migrant others shift from classical gender ideas to culturalised post-colonial interpretations of gender roles and, most recently, to normative ideas of gender equality. As part of these changes, migrant women moved from the periphery to the core of public and political attention. Concomitantly, categories of difference shift from the intersection of gender and social class to an intersection of gender, culture and ethnicity. Local particularities of Switzerland – the idea of ‘overforeignisation’ and the system of direct democracy – play a significant role in shaping categories. But Switzerland’s embeddedness in transnational fields emerges as equally important. The article expands on recent research and illuminates how changing dynamics of categorisation and othering facilitate the construction of nations and national identities in a transnationalised world.
... Current research remains unclear about how gender has shaped migration policies before becoming a signpost of cultural difference and before normative framings of gender equality became widespread during the past decade. Most contributions are based on the analysis of distinct incidents and historical moments, often focusing on the culturalization of Muslim women and men (Foerster, 2015;Korteweg and Yurdakul, 2009;Roggeband and Lettinga, 2014). Little effort has been made to trace historical trajectories that have led to shifting boundaries, and to illuminate changing roles of gender as a boundary marker (exceptions are Roggeband and Verloo, 2007;Schrover and Moloney, 2013). ...
... Conversely, the emerging cultural bias implies a qualitative change of the differences established between 'us' and 'them'. As a marker of cultural difference gender contributes to a hierarchical and moral juxtaposition of qualities and characteristics perceived as genuinely Swiss with features considered as culturally different and inferior (see also Dietze, 2009;Roggeband and Lettinga, 2014). Being part of the characteristic features of an imagined community of Swiss citizens, gender and gender-relations become an implicit dimension of national and ethnic boundary work. ...
http://nccr-onthemove.ch/publications/changing-gender-representations-in-politics-of-belonging-a-critical-analysis-of-developments-in-switzerland/
Political sociology is a large and expanding field, and The New Handbook of Political Sociology supplies the knowledge necessary to keep up with the newest developments. Written by a distinguished group of leading scholars in sociology, this volume provides a critical survey of the state of the art and points the way to new directions in future research. The New Handbook presents the field in six parts: theories of political sociology, the information and knowledge explosion, the state and political parties, civil society and citizenship, public policy, and globalization and empire. Covering all subareas of the field with both theory and empirics, it directly connects scholars with the cutting edge. A total reconceptualization of the first edition, the New Handbook features nine additional chapters and highlights the role of race, gender, colonialism, and knowledge production.
