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‘Free Iraq’, Firdos Square, Baghdad. © Photograph by Goran Tomasevic, Reuters/ Landov, Newsweek , 9 April 2003. Reproduced with permission of Reuters. 

‘Free Iraq’, Firdos Square, Baghdad. © Photograph by Goran Tomasevic, Reuters/ Landov, Newsweek , 9 April 2003. Reproduced with permission of Reuters. 

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Photographic images of war have been used to accentuate and lend authority to war reporting since the early 20th century, with depictions in 1930s picture magazines of the Spanish Civil War prompting unprecedented expectations for frontline visual coverage. By the 1960s, Vietnam War coverage came to be associated with personal, independent and unce...

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... would result in similar patterns of imagery. And, indeed, the invasion of Iraq in 2003 closely followed patterns of visualization that characterized the First Gulf War (Griffin, 2004; Fahmy and Kim, 2008). This was partly the result of similar restrictive military policies, such as the banning of picture taking at Dover Air Force Base, the distribution point for caskets of dead American soldiers returning to the United States, but even more the result of established photographic genres inherited from the First Gulf War. As with the First Gulf War, the press anticipated an inevitable attack by US forces by visually illustrating a build-up of military hardware and power. Again, photographs cata- loguing the American arsenal and the mobilization of American troops prior to combat dominated pictorial coverage. Troops were mostly pictured ‘backstage’, encamped in the desert (in Saudi Arabia?) waiting for word to move out. Fleets of jet fighter-bombers were shown waiting in ranks on the decks of aircraft carriers at sea. Armored convoys were pictured massing along the Iraqi border. Soldiers tested their biochemical suits and masks. Photographs of George W. Bush and Saddam Hussein faced off against each across magazine and newspaper pages (Griffin, 2004, 2008). Then, after weeks of build-up, the arsenal was unleashed. At first, images of actual combat remained limited to pictures of fighter planes taking off, missiles firing from the decks of ships, and puffs of smoke rising over the city of Baghdad. But when convoys of vehicles and troops poured across the border into Iraq, there were between 570 and 750 reporters and photographers embedded with US and British military units. This was a significant policy change. The 2003 Pentagon decision to allow journalists to live, travel and work alongside soldiers in assigned military units was in stark contrast to the restricted mobility and pool- and-review procedures of the 1991 Gulf War, and was even a sharp change from 2001 policies in Afghanistan when reporters were often confined to briefing rooms. In this invasion, many more reporters and photographers were close to the frontline troops, and therefore closer to combat zones. And, indeed, the presence of embedded photojournalists resulted in more pictures of troops in action and more pictures of Iraqis caught in the ‘chaos of war’, than had been seen during the First Gulf War (Griffin, 2004; Fahmy and Kim, 2008). Still, overall patterns of photo coverage did not change. The same genre categories that predomi- nated in 1991 were the most dominant in 2003: backstage images of weaponry and troops, portraits of US political and military leaders, and portraits of enemy or ‘terrorist’ leaders together made up more than 50 percent of all pictures published in American news magazines (Griffin, 2004). And the same categories of imagery were absent from US publications: images of human casualties, whether Iraqi, British, or American; images of destruction to homes or other infrastructure; pictures taken from the perspective of Iraqis. Easy to overlook, but important to note, was the uniformity of visual representation across US news publications and television networks. The system of embedding journalists with the military, like the press pool-and-review system that had been employed in the First Gulf War, worked to create a convergence of reporting and visualization. For example, the same three leading photographic genres (the arsenal, troops, political leaders) comprised half or more of all visual illustrations in each of the three US news magazines (49% in Time , 53% in Newsweek , 58% in US News & World Report , Griffin 2004). The same dominant narratives also characterized the reporting of all major news organizations, not surprising given that reporters were similarly placed alongside troops of the invading convoys. Early on, the potential for sandstorms to impede the invasion’s progress became a common theme. As convoys were underway along major Iraqi highways, the ‘push to Baghdad’ quickly became an overriding narrative for reporting. Progressing towards, and then ‘closing in’, on Baghdad was a recurring motif for both written reports and photography during the first month of the war, right up until the fall of Saddam’s Government and the story’s dénouement: the pulling down of the Saddam statue in Firdos Square – shortly after which President Bush announced the end of major combat operations. Television footage and published photographs prompted and supported this narrative with remarkable cohesion. One image after another of armored convoys moving along Iraqi highways were shown, with accompanying headlines and superimposed call-outs such as ‘Moving Out’, ‘Halfway to Baghdad’, ‘Almost There’, and ‘Closing In’ (see Figure 4). These images steadily and predictably led up to the crowning icon of the invasion, the fall- ing Saddam statue, usually printed with superimposed captions that read, ‘Toppled’ or ‘Free’ (see Figure 5) (Griffin, 2008). The presence of photojournalists traveling with the invading troops did produce one genre of images that was almost completely absent from the First Gulf War coverage: pictures of Iraqi civilians. These included photographs of displaced Iraqi civilians fleeing or traveling along the roadways (sometimes waving at troops), photos of captured Iraqi soldiers or militiamen, photos of Iraqi children and adults receiving humanitarian aid from American and British soldiers and medics, and photos of groups of Iraqis cheering the arrival of US troops. There seems to have been a special effort made to make and publish images of US and British soldiers providing aid to civilians, as these images alone outnum- bered all pictures of civilians (of any nationality) published during the First Gulf War. The time period examined in studies of both the First Gulf War and the Iraq invasion were very similar (approximately two months from the outset of open hostilities in each case) but the invasion of US and Allied troops deep into Iraq in 2003, accompanied by reporters and photographers, logically led to more published pictures of Iraqi civilians. And under these conditions one would also have expected a significant increase in the number of combat images, and in the number of civilian casualties or deaths. Yet, photographs of combat were still largely absent from US visual coverage and images of civilian casualties and death remained rare (Griffin, 2004; Fahmy and Kim, 2008). Fahmy and Kim (2008) found a slightly higher percentage of images in The New York Times and The Guardian depicting what they termed ‘human toll and destruction’ than was found in the US news magazines, but the bulk of these images were of material damage and destruction and not human losses or suffering. In the Iraq War, as in the First Gulf War, there were also pictures that proved false or misleading. Videotape of the purportedly daring rescue of wounded war hero Private Jessica Lynch from her Iraqi captors proved to be staged and spun by the US military at a time when the invasion seemed to need a public relations boost back home. In fact, Private Lynch was taken from a civilian hospital where she was not being held by force, and had not been shot by Iraqi troops as claimed, but was being humanely treated after an accident in her vehicle. According to multiple sources, doctors from the hospital had already informed US officials of Lynch’s presence there and had tried unsuccessfully to return her to American forces. Nonetheless, Lynch’s ‘rescue’ made her an icon of the war. Her picture appeared on the covers of Time , Newsweek and US News & World Report , on the front pages of scores of newspapers, and was splashed across dozens of television news and infotainment programs. She was decorated for bravery upon her return to the United States, and was the subject of an NBC made-for-television movie, which fiction- alized the story of her combat and rescue by further embellishing the already fabricated story originally released by the Pentagon. 20 Controversy has also swirled around perhaps the most famous icon of the war, the photo of the toppling of the statue of Saddam Hussein in Firdos Square. This picture was initially presented as a candid photograph of jubilant Iraqi citizens spontaneously pulling down the huge symbol of the Iraqi dictator. However, it was later learned that the scene was closely managed by a US Colonel and PSYOP (Psychological Operations) team who cordoned off the square, allowed a relatively small group of Iraqi émigrés to gather around the statue, and then used armored vehicles and steel cables to pull the statue down for the cheering Iraqi group (Fahmy, 2007; Griffin, 2008). Overall, US war coverage in Iraq stands in stark contrast to modernist expectations of photographic witnessing and recording, providing instead a prime example of government managed and institutionally constrained reporting and featuring a limited and sanitized range of visual depiction. The Pentagon policy of embedding journalists with military units proved to be an effective refinement in the management of news coverage, successfully aligning the perspectives of reporters and photographers with the invading forces. Commercial media industries readily conformed to these new arrangements in order to gain easy access to official information, enjoy military transportation and pro- tection, and ensure their capacity to bring viewers daily updates of a highly saleable, America-centric story of US military power and triumph. However, as the story of taking Baghdad and toppling Saddam concluded, and the dramatic invasion turned into a long drawn-out occupation, US media organizations began pulling reporters and photographers out of Iraq. Reminiscent of the media withdrawal from Vietnam after 1969, US journalists were pulled back from Iraq as soon as the conflict became more ambiguous. During 2003, the number of journalists embedded ...

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... 159). Michael Griffin (2010) says that the military monitored journalists articles, the texts also were reviewed by a military official before being published (p. 33). ...
... Sometimes such called «embedding of journalists» is an only option to get information on the scene. This method have been exploited since the Gulf War II, and there reporters were not able to choose events for coverage: journalists were free to report what they could see from a front-line tank or helicopter, and, inside, to experience the morale of being a member of the crew (Griffin, 2010). Other forms of government and military officials influence are «sequestering (Grenada and Panama), the use of pools (Gulf War), deception (Gulf War), escorts (Gulf War), «televised spectacles» (Somalia), news blackout (Haiti), limited embedding with Army units (Bosnia), or gag orders (Kosovo)» (Cortell, Eisinger, Althaus, 2009, p. 660); equipment confiscation, «changing of the stuff» at some mass media and journalism centers closure (Crimea) (Galeotti, 2015, p. 75). ...
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In the digital times, texts about a war may be written with some new techniques. The evidences of locals, posts of volunteers, experts may be used more often, thus the public dialogue may be more diverse and balanced. Meanwhile, free discussion about the war in the digital times is can be a problem. So it is important to understand, how the new possibilities are used to shape the discourse, and how the process of public discussion is generated. Battle of Il-ovaisk-the turning point of the war in Donbas (Ukraine)-was chosen for this research. The materials of two Ukrainian leading news sites (Ukrainskaya Pravda and Livyi Bereh) were content analyzed for three months (August-October 2014). Reprints were predominantly used as a way of news gathering (Facebook accounts were cited in 62% of cases) in the digital discourse about the battle. The average number of positions in a publication is 1,4 (a typical text contained only one mention of a political subject). Some new non-official participants were included to the public discussion (like Semenchenko, battalion Donbas commander, or, Tymchuk, an expert), but other sources, which could be newsworthy as well, were rarely mentioned. Free and opened public discussion is a crucial thing for the democracy during the war and conflicts, however, the illusion of online media as forum of ideas, accessible for everyone is formed in the discourse. And having in mind an increasing number of people who prefer to get news online, we should raise a question about the future of the democracy in the reality of fast, rarely checked and incomplete information.
... 159). Michael Griffin (2010) says that the military monitored journalists articles, the texts also were reviewed by a military official before being published (p. 33). ...
... Sometimes such called «embedding of journalists» is an only option to get information on the scene. This method have been exploited since the Gulf War II, and there reporters were not able to choose events for coverage: journalists were free to report what they could see from a front-line tank or helicopter, and, inside, to experience the morale of being a member of the crew (Griffin, 2010). Other forms of government and military officials influence are «sequestering (Grenada and Panama), the use of pools (Gulf War), deception (Gulf War), escorts (Gulf War), «televised spectacles» (Somalia), news blackout (Haiti), limited embedding with Army units (Bosnia), or gag orders (Kosovo)» (Cortell, Eisinger, Althaus, 2009, p. 660); equipment confiscation, «changing of the stuff» at some mass media and journalism centers closure (Crimea) (Galeotti, 2015, p. 75). ...
... Because journalists function as mediators between political actors and the public, they are capable of "processing," "selecting or sorting systematically" (Fowler, 1991), as well as manipulating the news in order to produce new media reality. Thus, the journalist becomes not only a news maker, but also a meaning-maker (Broersma 2008 cited in Egereva socio-cultural considerations (Griffin 2010). ...
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This corpus-based discourse study briefly reviews the activities of Boko Haram and the conflict between the nomadic herdsmen and sedentary agrarian farmers of north-central and southern Nigeria. But the study focuses on the representations of the main actors in the conflict and the conflict itself in the Western media and the Nigerian press, and examines the ideological implications of these representations as well as the possible consequences of some particular evaluations of the conflicts for peace and security in Nigeria. The article’s findings show that the constructions of the conflict and the main actors in the Nigerian press are highly sensational, divisive and dangerous. While the foreign press appears much more objective and often constructs the conflict as ‘deadlier than Boko Haram’, the reports still appear to minimize the seriousness of the conflict and construct the actions of the main actors from a perspective that would appeal only to foreign audiences.
... Modern successful evolution of communication technologies with wide coverage and facilities altered even the concept of reporting, with major developments (Gilboa, 2002;Jakosben, 2000;Galtung 2004) such as easy access to events, interventions in reports, perceptions, opinions, awareness and the role played in setting propaganda, framing and agenda (Domke et al., 2002;Entman, 1993;McComb et al., 1997). Keeping conflicts on one side and media on the other, it is clear that media often play a key role in modern conflicts (Gultung, 1986;Griffin, 2010;Lynch, 2000;Fisher et al., 2000;Taylor, 1992) in the form of reports, coverage, international diplomacy, hegemony, bilateral relations, in almost every area of conflict. ...
... Media representation of conflicts interests researchers much (Lasswell, 1938;Hallin, 1989;Wolfsfeld, 2004;Hamelink, 2008;Griffin 2010) as the beat generally increases its significance over time. The case of India is appropriate to analyze in a mixed and segregated environment that constitute a platform for a number of conflicts at a time. ...
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The story "behind the news‟ is a sociological perspective and tends to be a subjective evaluation in journalistic aspects. Segregating the news and presenting it to the audience is therefore a social construction where framing plays a key role. Framing of conflicts is successively done in the creation of news stories that appear in major news sources and they demand much attention of media researchers. This is an examination of the types of conflict frames that are used and reused by the media in creating a news story. The reports of the post-Uri attack on an army camp in Jammu and Kashmir in September 2016 is content analysed covered for a month in newspaper websites –The Hindu and Dawn respectively to understand how the news stories are framed by both Indian and Pakistani news sources. The contents are categorised into eight major conflict frames (Intended, Routine, Indicative, Identity, Manipulative, Motivational, Peace and Dispute Frames) that are used by media and analysed across the type of conflict (Ancient Hatred, Identity Politics, Manipulative Elites, Economic Roots and Contention for Power) type of news story (Regional, National, or International) and different themes (Hegemony, Persuasion, Entertainment, Diplomacy, Reconciliation, Conservatism and Public opinion). The major findings indicate that the elements of clear subjectivity are portrayed by both the newspapers with sensitive and aggressive words or pictures. One-sided reports and stories that evoke nationalistic frames manipulating the conflicts substantively appear in both the newspapers. A balanced reporting is visibly absent in many of the news stories and a lack of a rationalistic approach also exists. As Indo-Pak issue is always a sensitive one, much national, international and global intervention stories are repeatedly published under religious, political, defence, sports and national beats.
... The study adopts a multimodal approach to analyse the data (see, e.g., Griffin, 2010;Parry, 2010;Trivundza, 2004;Wilkes, 2015), which consists of images as well as the textual and audio framing discernible in the headlines and captions published on Ch1's website (http://www.1tv.ru). This source was selected in view of its exceptional role in Russia's media landscape. ...
Article
This article explores how Russian television news deconstructed the narrative embracing Ukrainians as ‘brothers’ through repositioning them within an imagined social reality wherein Ukrainians assume the guise of a threatening ‘Other’. The research material comprises extracts from Channel One, which is one of Russia’s most significant and popular television channels. The data was collected from the channel’s website over two years from 1 November 2012 to 31 October 2014. The sample of 480 news stories was selected on the basis of tag words and engagement with the stories on social media. Frames comprising visual, auditory and textual streams were analysed to explore the narratives about Ukrainians that were promulgated both before and during the Ukrainian crisis. The data revealed that, prior to the conflict, the media portrayed Ukraine as Russia’s ‘little brother’. Following Euromaidan, Channel One replaced this guise with that of an enemy in order to appeal directly to the cultural and spiritual values of its audience. Applying the conceptual framework of strategic narrative, the study illustrates the dynamics at play in the transformation of one image into another.
... Journalists frequently turn to visuals to report on global crises (Zelizer, 2002). After analyzing war imagery in several post-war conflicts, Griffin (2010) argued that the media routinely exploit fear, voyeurism, and emotional fascination to boost circulations. The images of crises, dramatic events, violence, and suffering can fill the media organizations' need for 'attention-grabbing content' (p. ...
... All in all, from a framing perspective, the studies described above indicated that news images taken in war zones or extreme humanitarian crises not only reflected the events and the experience of photographers but were also cultural products influenced by governmental management, media business, and political persuasion (Griffin, 2010). ...
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Iconic photographs have the potential to stay in public collective memories. One such photograph of a dead 3-year-old Syrian refugee named Alan Kurdi sparked global outrage in September 2015 and became symbolic of the challenges of the Syrian civil war and its consequences. This study examines how global awareness before and after the publication of the iconic photograph affected the visual framing of the arrival of refugees into Europe. The analysis focuses on the theme of refugee photographs on CNN and Spiegel Online news sites from 1 January 2015 to 6 October 2016. The two news outlets have different audience approaches: the US-based CNN reaches out to global news consumers while Spiegel Online in Germany mainly appeals to domestic audiences. Findings reveal that after the publication of Alan Kurdi’s picture, CNN increased humanized visual framing while Spiegel Online’s visual coverage was leaning toward increased border control. The two different visual perspectives and their contribution to a polarized (domestic vs global) interpretation of migration are discussed.
... To prevent the problematic social media usage, there is a need to examine the real-life loneliness and social anxiety of individuals. Although interpersonal relations which enable the emergence of social media affect the psychological state of individuals positively, the problem of loneliness is often seen in the society where social media usage is high (Griffin, 2010). In short, it is important to understand the relationship between loneliness and the problematic social media usage according to modern social scientists. ...
... Today's individuals are in a kind of relationship that has never been observed among older generations. However, the fact that the problem of loneliness is seen more frequently in communities where social media usage is highest (Griffin, 2010) makes this situation more interesting. There are also contradictory findings about the link between loneliness and social media. ...
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Social media usage has been popular for the last decade. Individuals use their social media environments for various reasons such as to socialize, play games, have fun and share posts. Overuse of these environments may lead to negative psychological and behavioral consequences for individuals. Additionally, it increases the worries about potential addicted/problematic use of social media. In this study, it is aimed to determine the level of problematic social media usage of participants who are active social media users and to analyze the relationships between problematic social media usage and various personal characteristics and social variables. Study in relational screening model is carried out with the participation of 580 volunteers. Partial least squares (PLS) structural equation modeling is used to analyze the data obtained through various scale according to the research model. The structural equation modeling analysis shows that there is a significant relationship between problematic social media usage and the daily time of social media usage, the use of frequency of social media for recognition, publicity, communication/interaction and education, loneliness, and social anxiety. The variable which shows higher correlation between problematic social media usage is social anxiety.
... However, this is not always the case. Other research shows that the effectiveness of media images hinges not only on its representational aptitude, but also on the relationship between image selection and image inference (Cambell, 2004;Figenschou, 2011;Griffin, 2010). Studies on mediatization ascribe to this logic. ...
... A key aspect of mediated death and dying images is their symbiotic relationship with state actors. Such images have the potential to disrupt existing orders and compel institutional responses by influencing viewers' physical and emotional health (Aday, 2005;Griffin, 2010;Harcup and O'Neill, 2001;Keith et al., 2006;Thompson, 2005;Zelizer, 2010). At the same time, however, they can also help shape collective memory (Wilbur and Juyan, 2014;Zelizer, 1992Zelizer, , 1998 in ways that carry a political, if not an ethnocentric, meaning within broader societal narratives (Seaton, 2005;Wolfsfeld et al., 2008). ...
Article
Images of death and dying in the media around the globe have a symbiotic relationship with nation states as they can bolster state control by defining who has the right to take lives in the interests of the community, by identifying enemies of the state, by demonstrating dominance over enemies, and by lending a moral posture to the state’s war efforts. Previously, the growing corpus of research on media’s display of death and about to die images has focused almost exclusively on media outlets that bolster established states on the global stage. By analyzing 1965 death and about to die images displayed in Dabiq, ISIS’s English-language magazine, and al-Naba’, the same group’s Arabic-language newspaper, this study adds an understanding of the messaging strategies deployed by groups striving to challenge, rather than reinforce, existing national boundaries. The findings suggest that while ISIS adopts some standard media practices, it also utilizes unique and audience targeted approaches regarding the frequency of image use, the identify of the corpses, the display of dead bodies, and the presentation of those responsible for the pictured dead bodies in its media campaign.
... However, this is not always the case. Other research shows that the effectiveness of media images hinges not only on its representational aptitude, but also on the relationship between image selection and image inference (Cambell, 2004;Figenschou, 2011;Griffin, 2010). Studies on mediatization ascribe to this logic. ...