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Resumen: En 1948 Ignacio Bernal realizó excavaciones en Coixtlahuaca para verificar la idea de que este sitio hubiera sido el más importante para la Triple Alianza para hacerse de bie-nes de lujo procedentes de la Mixteca Alta. Sin embargo, sus excavaciones demostraron que el material azteca recolectado en el sitio de Inguiteria, capital de Coixtla...
Citations
... People speaking different languages and with diverse ethnicities not only lived and worked side by side but controlled the area in conjunction. Archaeology can, however, only weakly record such multiethnic interaction, specially of a nahua-speaking group (Kowalewski et al. 2010). ...
... People speaking different languages and with diverse ethnicities not only lived and worked side by side but controlled the area in conjunction. Archaeology can, however, only weakly record such multiethnic interaction, specially of a nahua-speaking group (Kowalewski et al. 2010). In contrast, the dispersed settlement pattern seen through the archaeological survey, and the decentralized mound groups scattered through the valley, indicate that no single centralized power ruled throughout the area. ...
When talking about monuments, size undeniably matters - or does it? But how else can we measure monumentality? Bringing together researchers from various fields such as archaeology, museology, history, sociology, Mesoamerican studies, and art history, this book discusses terminological and methodological approaches in both theoretical contributions and various case studies. While focusing on architectural aspects, this volume also discusses the social meaning of monuments, the role of forced and free labour, as well as textual monumentality. The result is a modern interdisciplinary take on an important concept which is notoriously difficult to define.
... People speaking different languages and with diverse ethnicities not only lived and worked side by side but controlled the area in conjunction. Archaeology can, however, only weakly record such multiethnic interaction, specially of a nahua-speaking group (Kowalewski et al. 2010). In contrast, the dispersed settlement pattern seen through the archaeological survey, and the decentralized mound groups scattered through the valley, indicate that no single centralized power ruled throughout the area. ...
A different approach to monumentality in Mesoamerica through Landscape and Archaeology
... Though covering more surface area than Calixtlahuaca, Tlaxcallan lacks comparable monumental architecture. Other currently studied centers with Postclassic terracing of comparable extent and sophistication are in the Mixteca Alta and include Cerro Jazmín (Pérez Rodríguez et al. 2011), Yucundaa (Spores and Robles García 2007), and Coixtlahuaca (Kowalewski et al. 2010). The concept of ''agrarian urbanism,'' as employed by archaeologists working in the Mixteca Alta (Kowalewski et al. 2009: 346-349), may prove useful for interpreting Aztec centers such as Calixtlahuaca. ...
Calixtlahuaca, a Middle–Late Postclassic site in the Toluca Valley of central Mexico, was occupied ca. A.D. 1100–1530. Our excavations reveal some of the processes involved in the creation, functions, and decay of a large hilltop urban center. At its height, the majority of the site’s surface (264 ha) was covered with residential-agricultural terraces supported by a complex water management system. House construction techniques included the use of adobe brick, wattle-and-daub, and stone pavements. Our fieldwork contributes to a growing body of research on hilltop political capitals in Mesoamerica. Using a refined chronology, we illuminate the processes by which people constructed the residential zones of this ancient hilltop city.
The last 20 years have seen advances in the understanding of city-states, especially in ancient Greece, where textual information fuels new theories about institutions and the ancient economy. Archaeological research makes significant contributions with data comparable across multiple city-states on settlement patterns, urban and rural development, political and ritual activities, and other materializations of institutionalized behavior. Using a new corpus of 74 city-states from Oaxaca, Mexico, I show that city-states differ from one another in patterned ways, and I argue that this variation depends on internal factors such as the social mode of production and external factors including place in regional and interregional exchange.
The Recorrido Arqueológico de Coixtlahuaca (RAC) presents period-by-period settlement pattern maps for the valley of Coixtlahuaca in the northern Mixteca Alta. The RAC project made improvements in full-coverage survey methods. We identify limitations and suggest that similar projects in the future need to resolve several management and budget problems. The survey revealed two periods of heavy occupation, 700–300 BC and AD 1200–1520, separated by a long period of lower population. Archaeological and historical data indicate that during the AD 1200–1520 period, and probably earlier, small landholders organized in strong communities managed an intensive agroecosystem, investing in landesque capital. Urbanization was impressive, yet cities were aggregations of communities and barrios. Today local citizens pose questions about how the large prehispanic population could have organized and sustained itself; these questions coincide with anthropological interest in collective agency, property, landesque capital, and collapse.
