Table 12 - uploaded by Mikhail Minakov
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Written from the dual perspective of a political philosopher and social
analyst, this book is a rich—in many ways, indispensable—
source of conceptual information about Ukraine, Eastern Europe,
the European Union, and global modernity. Its primary subject is
the dirty, hybrid politics of Eastern Europe but even more so, its
human substance—those tr...
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Citations
... Les clans les plus puissants étaient ceux de Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk [Dnipro] et du Donbass, régions qui brassaient le plus de ressources. Cette concurrence a joué un rôle important dans le développement de l'Ukraine dans les années 1960-1980(Minakov 2018b ...
Avec l’aimable autorisation de la revue, nous présentons ci-après la traduction légèrement abrégée d'un article de Mikhaïl Minakov paru dans Neprikosnovennyj Zapas en 2020 (n° 129, pp. 161–179). Il nous semble important de faire connaître ce texte au lectorat francophone dans le contexte de l’invasion russe déclenchée le 24 février 2022. À l’époque, la défaite rapide de l’armée ukrainienne et l’effondrement de l’État ukrainien paraissaient l'hypothèse la plus probable non seulement pour le Kremlin, mais aussi pour de nombreux commentateurs. Pour expliquer l’étonnante résistance de l’Ukraine face à l’agression, on a souligné le rôle de la mobilisation civique, dans la lignée des recherches sociologiques menées depuis 2014 sur les « volontaires » du Maïdan puis dans la guerre qui s’en est suivie dans le Donbass. L’article de Mikhaïl Minakov s’intéresse quant à lui à l’État lui-même et prend plus de recul en envisageant un siècle d’histoire et pas seulement les huit dernières années. Il montre ainsi la continuité paradoxale dans la construction d’un système politique solide en Ukraine.
... Representatives of this direction assign a special role in the interaction of states to its institutions. In their opinion, state institutions are not just instruments of political and economic activity, but special conditions to facilitate understanding by the participants of the integration process (Dubský & Havlová, 2017;Kibalnik, 2018;Minakov, 2018;Cierco Gomes, 2019). ...
The development of a common foreign policy course and the creation of joint defence have become the main tasks of the European Community from the very beginning of its foundation, and the practical implementation of cooperation in these areas turns out to be rather difficult and runs into certain problems. Being part of the European Community, the member countries are aware of the necessity to pursue such a course in order to obtain the status of a full-fledged subject of international politics, but this does not deprive them of their fears about the loss of their national sovereignty and some foreign policy priorities. The purpose of the study is to study the process of formation and development of cooperation between Western European countries in the field of foreign policy, security and defence, as well as using the experience of the countries of the former Republic of Yugoslavia to resolve the situation on the territory of Ukraine. The comparative approach of peripheral areas emphasises the unsettled situation, which in some cases may seem better than internationally structured and is on the path of consolidation, while in other cases destabilization still strongly affects the development prospects of states.
... Интенсивные дебаты о природе модерна и его манифестациях на пост-советском пространстве, а также силах, препятствующих модернизации и продуцирующих демодернизационную реакцию (Rabkin & Minakov 2018;Minakov 2018;Кутуєв 2016), логически ведут к дискурсу о высшем образовании и его роли в достижении социальной справедливости, мобильности и эффективного функционирования социальных институтов. Ускорение темпов социальных, экономических, политических и культурных изменений, вызванных усилением глобальной конкуренции и мобильности, интеграцией рынков и прорывом в сфере информационных технологий, делает социологическую рефлексию над проблемами и социальными последствиями ІДЕОЛОГІЯ І ПОЛІТИКА ИДЕОЛОГИЯ И ПОЛИТИКА IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS ...
В статье в контексте современной идеологии университетского
образования, представляющей собой смешение либеральной (классической) и
профессиональной парадигм, анализируются факторы, препятствующие успешному
трудоустройству молодежи (в оценках опрошенной молодежи 25 стран методом МГД).
Показано, что глобальные тренды массовизации сектора высшего образования и
профессионализации университетов, разрушившие параллельное существование
университетского и профессионально-технического образования и сформировавшие
современную образовательную идеологию, обусловили критику образовательных
систем со стороны молодежи. Практическая подготовка в институтах высшего
образования является недостаточной для работы по специальности и
профессиональной самореализации на рынке труда. Обосновывается вывод, что
государственные структуры должны обеспечить тесное сотрудничество
университетов и работодателей для координации рынка труда и рынка
образовательных услуг.
... Thus, the prison system is one of the vivid examples of how the Soviet legacies established in the far past continue to be reproduced in post-Soviet Ukraine [52]. On the one hand, they are replicated through legal documents and regulations, on the other-through the organization and infrastructure of the prison's physical space, and finally-Soviet legacies are reproduced through "carceral collectivism" as a specific form of living, working and behaving in post-Soviet prison settings. ...
... A similar situation happened in Ukraine in 2005, after the Orange Revolution, the SPS announcing the start of a pilot PNSP in two prisons [58]. However, those pilot programs have never been implemented due to political changes in the country that happened shortly afterwards [52,55,59]. ...
... On the other hand, this "openness" can only partly be a result of the described processes, while another reason is that the discussed problems are not of an extraordinary nature and more of a routine for the prison staff. This may sound like a big assumption, but if Ukraine is stuck in the continuing cycles of revolution, disillusionment and stagnation since 1991 [52], the punitive drug policies remain punitive as a tradition, which developed from earlier Soviet times [43,69], and forces PWID to regularly go through the cycles of imprisonment-releaseimprisonment [70]. The systematic nature of these cycles makes PWID prevalence in prisons commonplace, and this makes PNSP implementation genuinely relevant. ...
Introduction
In 2007, the World Health Organization (WHO) recommended for prison authorities to introduce prison needle and syringe programs (PNSP) if they have any evidence that injecting drug use is taking place in prisons. This article presents descriptive evidence that injecting drug use takes place in Ukrainian prisons, it discusses how (denial of) access to injection equipment is regulated in the current system and what changes should be considered in order to implement PNSP.
Background
Ukrainian prisons still live by the laws and policies adopted in the Soviet Union. Besides laws and regulations, these legacies are replicated through the organization and infrastructure of the prison’s physical space, and through “carceral collectivism” as a specific form of living and behaving. Inviolability of the prison order over time helps the prison staff to normalize and routinely rationalize punishment enforcement as a power “over” prisoners, but not a power “for” achieving a specific goal.
Methods
The Participatory Action Research approach was used as a way of involving different actors in the study’s working group and research process. The data were gathered through 160 semi-structured interviews with prison health care workers, guards, people who inject drugs (PWID) who served one or several terms and other informants.
Results
The “expertise” in drug use among prisoners demonstrated by prison staff tells us two things—they admit that injecting use takes place in prisons, and that the surveillance of prisoner behavior has been carried out constantly since the very beginning as a core function of control. The communal living conditions and prison collectivism may not only produce and reproduce a criminal subculture but, using the same mechanisms, produce and reproduce drug use in prison. The “political will” incorporated into prison laws and policies is essential for the revision of outdated legacies and making PNSP implementation feasible.
Conclusion
PNSP implementation is not just a question of having evidence of injecting drug use in the hands of prison authorities. For PNSP to be feasible in the prison environment, there is a need for specific changes to transition from one historical period and political leadership to another. And, thus, to make PNSP work requires making power work for change, and not just for reproducing the power itself.
... Indeed, the recent civic revolutions proved that Ukraine does not want to return to its colonial past (Minakov 2018) and is ready to fight separatism and imperial appetites of Russia (e.g., so called Novorossiya project at Eastern Ukraine). However, the rise of the civil society did not automatically imply Ukraine's fast and easy transition to a European kind of practices in the various spheres of public life, such as education, jurisdiction and media. ...
Ukraine as a transition country experiences various challenges in its social, educational, economic, cultural and media sectors: unstable economy, ongoing armed conflict in the Eastern Ukraine, partial reluctance in accepting reforms. Journalism education in Ukraine undergoes a complex transformation supported by national government and foreign projects including Erasmus+ CBHE DESTIN. The purpose of this research is to explore the views of j-schools teachers as key stakeholders on the future tasks, trends and ethical issues of the profession. The study is based on results of a survey conducted by the European Journalism Training Association and the World Journalism Education Council in different world countries, including EU states, Ukraine, and Russia. The article concentrated on comparing and investigating correlations between Ukrainian, Russian and European educators’ views to the same set of questions. The results show that in all three categories of analysis – tasks, trends, ethics – there is a stronger consensus between Ukrainian and Russian teachers than there is between Ukrainian teachers and their European colleagues. All teachers believe in importance of reliability and verification of information, are in favor of a strong sense of responsibility and of less commercialism in journalism and share a strong ethical disapproval of misleading the audiences, for instance by altering photos or quotes. However, Ukrainian and Russian teachers share a somewhat higher appreciation of journalists as disseminators, whereas European educators put more emphasis on the journalistic investigator role. With regard to ethics a main difference is that Europeans see paying or getting money from sources as unacceptable, whereas this practice is more tolerated in Ukraine and Russia.
This paper is devoted to the analysis of selected aspects how Ukrainian schools present the historical narrative that covers the post-World War II history of this country – particularly the period of late socialism. My goal was to establish how post-Maidan textbooks presented the times when Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union in its superpower phase. I was especially interested in the current assessment of such phenomena as: post-Stalinist modernization, the movements opposing communist ideology, and the late socialist concept of the Soviet people. The source material was five new textbooks for historical education at high-school level approved for use by the Ukrainian authorities in 2019. The basic research method was discourse analysis: the content of the textbooks were critically evaluated in light of the ongoing political and social situation. Among the theoretical assumptions that were applied in the paper was that the historical narrative has a key importance as a function of the nation-state and as such serves its interests. To conclude the analysis below, it should be emphasized that historical narrative of Ukrainian Schools presents the past of the country in the second half of the 20th century as a general process of gaining independence from the Soviet centre. In the context of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, it should be assumed that the emancipatory nature of the interpretation of Ukraine’s national history is now irreversible.
Seit dem Beginn des russischen Angriffskriegs auf die gesamte Ukraine im Februar 2022 ist vielfach von der Resilienz der ukrainischen Gesellschaft die Rede, deren Wurzeln in diesem Text analysiert werden sollen. Die Entwicklung der ukrainischen Zivilgesellschaft ist einerseits von einer langen Protesthistorie geprägt, die bis zur Staatsgründung im frühen 20. Jahrhundert zurückreicht. Andererseits lassen sich verschiedene Revolutionszyklen und Verdichtungspunkte seit der ukrainischen Unabhängigkeit identifizieren, in denen sich spezifische Handlungsrepertoires und Organisationsformen der ukrainischen Zivilgesellschaft herausbildeten. Die außergewöhnliche und wohl auch unerwartete Resilienz der Ukraine gegenüber der russischen Invasion wurzelt, so die These dieses Aufsatzes, in der Entwicklung der ukrainischen Zivilgesellschaft von der Protestgesellschaft zur „aktiven“ und breit engagierten Gesellschaft.
This paper compares the mass protests in Ukraine (the Euromaidan of 2013–14) and Belarus–2020 in the recent decade. The author tests the hypothesis that social movements successfully challenge the ruling groups if protests are sufficiently supported by Western governments, if autocratic regimes are not strong and consolidated, and if the regional tendencies are supportive of the protesters’ cause. Based on the comparative analysis of the two cases, the author concludes that the hypothesis is in general correct for Eastern Europe, but should be more nuanced: it should pay attention to the external influences of both Western states and Russia; it should note that the strength of an autocracy may create new opportunities for the challengers; and that it should take into account the changing nature of regional tendencies, which can be of democratization, autocratization, or some mixture.
The article in the cycle dedicated to the 30th anniversary of Ukraine’s declaration of
independence reviews some of the results and lessons learned over the years. This date could have been the occasion for a thorough and comprehensive analysis. This opportunity was not taken advantage of at the Jubilee Celebrations held, and the issues of modernization and development remained pending and urgently require resolution. Chief among them the author considers decisive release of social energy, restoration of historical continuity of state forms, search of optimal model of new Ukrainian state, its relations with society and external environment. Ukraine needed to overcome the inertia and social entropy of previous decades, clearly define objectives and select morecarefully the means to achieve them. It faces the daunting political challenge of finding the best balance between freedom and order, national statehood and globalization. For this purpose it will be necessary to reboot the political system of the Ukrainian republic. Ukraine has such an opportunity and this is interesting.
The second article of the cycle, prepared by the Center of Ukrainian Studies IE RAS for the 30th anniversary of the state sovereignty of Ukraine, is devoted to foreign policy. What is its paradigm, is it there, has it changed, and if so, how and why? The article contests the view that
Ukraine’s foreign policy has no strategy and is entirely subject to external influences. The author believes that Ukraine has it, and the experience of its formation is unique and therefore interesting. It is difficult to find in Europe another great nation-State, born for so long and so difficult, which would have to seek its place in the world at a time when the world itself and the institution of the nation-state have begun to change so profoundly. The article substantiates the view that Ukraine’s foreign policy paradigm was formed in these circumstances on objective internal grounds with strong external influences and, Despite the frequent changes in political leaders and the adjustment of external political discourse, this continued and is likely to continue in the future.
