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Educational Status of Children – Compiled over various years 

Educational Status of Children – Compiled over various years 

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... Sementara menurut (Sugianto, 2017) secara garis besar ada 3 faktor utama yang menyebabkan anak untuk putus sekolah yang pertama keadaan anak itu sendiri yang memang senang bekerja dari pada belajar (Lim, 2008) menyarankan bahwa ada kebijakan sekolah yang membuat siswa putus sekolah tanpa disengaja. Sementara, (Reddy & dan Sinha, 2010) menegaskan bahwa siswa didorong keluar dari sekolah karena kurangnya kapasitas di sekolah, seperti fasilitas, peraturan dan kualitas. ...
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Article
Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan tujuan untuk mengidentifikasi faktor penyebab anak putus sekolah dan strategi pemerintah kelurahan dalam mengembangkan SDM anak putus sekolah. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah tipe penelitian deskriptif, yaitu penelitian yang bertujuan untuk menggambarkan dan mendeskripsikan objek dan fenomena yang diteliti. Penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian deskriptif kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi lapangan. Data dikumpulkan melalui observasi, dokumentasi, dan wawancara terkait faktor penyebab dan strategi pemerintah kelurahan. Informan penelitian terdiri dari pemangku kepentingan terkait yaitu Lurah Kelurahan Belawan 1, Kepala Lingkungan XII Kampung Nalayan dan beberapa masyarakat yang bermukim di Kelurahan Belawan I Lingkungan XII Kampung Nelayan berjumlah 6 orang. Tehnik analisis data dengan menggunakan model analisis interaktif. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa faktor penyebab anak putus sekolah dikarenakan adanya faktor dari dalam diri anak dan juga dari luar diri. Sebagai langkah strategis yang diambil oleh pemerintah kelurahan untuk mengembangkan SDM anak putus sekolah tersebut yakni dengan menerapkan pendidikan kesetaraan, membuat dialog komunitas, mendirikan rumah zakat serta melaksanakan kegiatan keliling kampung. Dengan demikian, bahwa dapat ditarik kesimpulan permasalahan mengenai anak putus sekolah telah berhasil diminimalisir melalui strategi yang telah ditetapkan oleh pemerintah Kelurahan Belawan 1
... Kabeer (2003) points out that caste, religion, ethnicity, gender and poverty act individually and jointly to determine the incidence of child labour and children's absence or presence in the school. Reddy and Sinha (2010) provide an extent of the dropout problem based on national data sets and argue that the socio-economic factors bearing on dropouts can be considered state policy failures. ...
Article
This article has examined the implications of distance to secondary school on the achievement of secondary and higher education in India. Using the 71st round of National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) data, the article found that distance to secondary school beyond 2–3 km reduces the chances of getting secondary and higher education. For female members, secondary schools located beyond 2–3 km become a barrier to secondary and higher education; however, the distance beyond 5 km matters for male members. Economically better-off households and larger households have higher chances of completing secondary and higher education. Scheduled tribe households and households with casual workers have fewer chances of getting secondary or higher education. The households living in states with better transport facilities to the secondary schools have higher chances of getting secondary and higher education.
... Unsurprisingly, several studies claim that poor students engaging in remote learning end up being dropouts (Dorn et al. 2020;Lustig and Tommasi 2020). While we may argue that the COVID-19 pandemic will not be here permanently, temporary disruptions to academic life usually result to lasting abandonment of the idea to attend school among low-resource households (Reddy and Sinha 2010). The equally worrying part is that when these poor children or young people do dropout, the likelihood of early marriages and early pregnancies increase (Birchall 2018), the very conditions that may perpetuate poverty (Franjić 2018;Haldre et al. 2007). ...
Article
This study examines essential factors that affect children's quality of response towards a non-traditional learning platform specifically, self-learning modules (SLMs) as Philippine public school's mode of service-learning delivery. Our objective is to determine the predictive power of access to internet, household food security, and parental involvement on the level of students' engagement in these modular classes amid the health crisis. Drawing online responses from parents of public-school students (n=359), our regression analysis confirms the viability of our model F(3,355) = 19.2, p<.001. While we found that food security and parental involvement are predictors of students' satisfactory engagement in their SLMs, internet access is not. Therefore, our model suggests that children with parents who take time to be involved in their studies and who reside in households with enough food are more likely to engage positively in their modular classes, whether or not the household has access to the internet.
... The disruptions in schooling often lead to permanent dropouts among the vulnerable income group (Reddy & Sinha, 2010). One of the main reasons for this is the parent's loss of employment or reduced earning capacity. ...
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The disruptive effects of the COVID-19 pandemic had affected the education sector at an unprecedented scale. In order to contain the spread of the virus, a large number of countries across the globe have shut their schools to handle the pandemic. However, it has adversely affected students' learning and school attendance. In this regard, we assess the impact of COVID-19 on the learning loss, school dropout, and the economic costs in term of foregone earnings for children in Pakistan. The study finds a substantial decrease in Learning Adjusted Years of Schooling (LAYS) with worsening consequences for girls than boys. Likewise, the aggregate economic cost amounts to 107 billion dollars when adjusted for human capital utilisation. Besides, our simulation results suggest that about 7.2 million children dropout due to a reduction in household expenditure by 50 percent. In comparison, the dropout is more pronounced at the primary level of schooling. The results recommend that the government design robust social protection and remote education strategies to mitigate school closure’s adverse effect on children's learning. The emphasis should be rather on the long run strategies to cope with a resilient education system of futuristic orientation.
... As of 2015, the average dropout rate across secondary schools in India was 17.06% with higher numbers for rural areas (NUEPA 2016). Past evidence suggests that short term disruptions in schooling often lead to permanent dropouts among the poor (Reddy and Sinha 2010). One reason for this is the loss of parents' employment for which child labour is leveraged as a substitute. ...
Article
A vast majority of the relief and rehabilitation packages announced in the months following the nationwide lockdown in India have focused on economic rehabilitation. However, the education sector has remained absent from this effort, including in India’s central government’s 250 billion dollar stimulus package. In this paper, we discuss the implications of lockdown-induced school and rural child-care center closures on education and health outcomes for the urban and rural poor. We especially focus on food and nutritional security of children who depend on school feeding and supplementary nutrition programs. We argue that the impacts are likely to be much more severe for girls as well as for children from already disadvantaged ethnic and caste groups. We also discuss ways in which existing social security programs can be leveraged and strengthened to ameliorate these impacts.
... 18). (Reddy & Sinha, 2010) prepared a comprehensive study on school dropouts titled as "School Dropouts or Pushouts? Overcoming Barriers for the Right to Education" defined six major "Barriers to School Enrolment and Attendance and reasons for Dropping Out" (p. ...
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Thesis
The problem of out-of-school children and dropouts are rising throughout the world. The purpose of this study was to identify lacuna in education policies and to enhance them through Behavioural Economics approach. Hence, this study discussed the education policies and the program and measures the reasons of dropouts under the out-of-school children of the age group 6-17 years. This study has analysed various literature and government statistics to identify major reasons for dropouts. The reasons from the secondary data, but a large household survey published by the Government of India have been used and further analysed with the lens of behavioural bias and principles of behavioural economics approach.
... The schooling system has little understanding, if any, of the kinds of responsibilities that these children have at home because of the mistaken belief that once in school, the children stop working. There is ample empirical evidence though to show that a majority of school-going children in South Asia combine school with work (Balagopalan and Subramanian 2003;Bandyopadhyay andSubrahmanian 2011, CINI-ASHA 2003;Nambissan 1996Nambissan , 2000Nambissan , 2003Sinha 2000;Sinha and Reddy 2011;Stromquist 1989;Pappu and Vasanta 2010;UCW 2003UCW , 2011Woodhead 1998). This reality of the children's lives notwithstanding, within the frame that the formal schooling system adopts, the school-going child is envisaged as one who has no history or baggage of any kind from the past, but only a future to look forward to. ...
... Mental abilities are hugely valued by the formal system of schooling, while manual work is regarded as inferior and not requiring skills or abilities of any kind. Attitudes of teachers discriminating against working children and marking them as "slow learners" in such contexts have been variously documented (Balagopalan and Subramanian 2003;Kumar 1989;Majumdar and Mooij 2015;Ramachandran and Naorem 2013;Sinha and Reddy 2011;Talib 2003). ...
Chapter
This chapter provides an overview of the issues involved in ensuring education for working children in India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Nepal. The manner in which children’s educational rights, as articulated in the UNCRC, are operationalized within specific policy frameworks in these countries is examined in the light of discussions on child rights and Southern childhoods. We point out that notwithstanding the introduction of many policies and measures at the national and international levels, the conception as well as the provision of education is yet to make meaningful connections with the lifeworlds and aspira- tions of working children. We argue that there is a need to re-vision the schooling system in order to evolve ways and means of offering education that is inclusive and relevant for working children in South Asia.
... Financial constraints are also seen in the form of opportunity cost of education, which often leads to withdrawal of students from school. This is more common when the students are old enough to join the labour force (Choudhury, 2006;Jain, 2008;Jayapalan, 2008;Sikdar & Mukherjee, 2012;Sinha & Reddy, 2011), which is around the age of 10 years (Govinda & Bandyopadhyay, 2011;Rani 2007). ...
... Being over-age often leads to discomfort among younger peers, and this further reduces their interest in studies, forcing them to drop out (Dunne & Ananga, 2012;Smyth & Hattam, 2004). While it is noted that the failure/lack of interest is a problem at the individual level, very often it is the schooling process in terms of pedagogic practices that prevent students from learning efficiently and being successful (Govinda & Bandyopadhyay, 2011;Sinha & Reddy, 2011). ...
... None of the men, however, linked their school experiences as the prime reason for dropping out. This does not support much of the scholarship discussed before, which cites school-based factors and experiences such as inadequate number of teachers, teacher attendance rates, qualification of teachers, threat of corporal punishment and fear and intimidation by teachers as contributing to school dropout (Jain, 2008;Kingdon, 2001;Mukherjee & Das, 2008;Rani, 2007;Sinha & Reddy, 2011), in both rural and urban areas and among all income groups (Sikdar & Mukherjee, 2012). The informants in Jamia Nagar instead blamed themselves for their inability to cope, a point to which we now turn our attention. ...
Article
This article aims to understand the reasons and experiences which contribute to dropout among Muslims in India at the secondary school level (grades IX–XII). The focus of this article is low-income Muslim men, who have left school at the secondary level, in a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood of Jamia Nagar, Delhi. The context of this article is set by the seminal Sachar Committee Report which highlights the educational disadvantages of Muslims, categorising their school dropout rates as ‘worrisome’. The findings of this article are partially consistent with previous research. In the final instance, the Muslim men in Jamia Nagar linked their school leaving to their personal failure: in terms of their inability to maintain interest in studies/failing to clear a grade. There was a strong value attached to hard work, which men felt they lacked, and this was cited as the reason for their personal failure in school. In the process of constructing this narrative, family experiences were downplayed. School experiences were singled out by men as not affecting their decision to drop out. Another striking finding of this study is the relationship between self-employment and the decision to drop out.
... This was because the cohort entering Class 1 in 2002 would have reached only Class 8 in 2009. Reddy and Sinha (2010) had earlier used this method to follow a cohort of 27 million children enrolled in Class 1 in 1993. They found that in 2002, only 10 million among them (37 per cent) had reached Class 10. ...
Article
Secondary data on school participation and completion highlight that dropping out from school before completing eight years of schooling continues to challenge the achievement of universal elementary education in India. Against the backdrop of high dropout rates at the primary and upper primary level, this article discusses the findings of a field survey conducted in 2008–2009 in a peripheral urban settlement in West Bengal. The same households were surveyed after five years in 2013. The purpose was to contextualise barriers to elementary education among poor children living in a socio-economically backward and low-income settlement. It was found that despite physical access to government schools, the dropout rate escalated with children’s age due to livelihood pressure at home and the double burden of household chores and income-generating work. This along with inadequate support from school made it challenging for children to complete elementary education.
... While there has been little research specifically on rural-urban migrant children's schooling, other work suggests that the need for child labour is a significant factor in preventing attendance (Kambhampati and Rajan, 2006;Roy et al., 2015). Other issues include high indirect and opportunity costs, distance to schools and lack of enrolment documents (Reddy and Sinha, 2010). ...
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Article
In both China and India, migrant families face difficult decisions about education and livelihoods. In China, migrant children have limited access to urban schools, because of high documentary barriers to enrolment. In India, administrative barriers are fewer, but other structural factors, including households’ need for child labour, restrict opportunities. Although much research globally has explored household negotiations leading to migration, we know little about livelihoods decision-making processes after initial migration. How is decision-making affected by changes in household dynamics as a result of moving to the city? Drawing on over 300 interviews with migrants in Shenzhen and Mumbai from 2007 to 2016, this article compares the ways that Chinese and Indian rural-migrant households negotiate their children’s limited access to education, and demonstrates significant shifts within families after the initial rural–urban movement in both countries. Mothers in particular gain greater roles in developing household strategies, and more attention is paid to the voices of (some, mostly male) children. However, contrary to existing literature on non-migrant populations, increased maternal and child autonomy within the migrant household does not necessarily result in educational gains. Instead, the exercise of agency outside the household remains highly constrained by structural factors including poverty and marginalisation, education policies, and gendered social relations.