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Context in source publication
Context 1
... statistical micro-data on education, socioeconomic conditions, and conflict was analyzed with South Sudan's Education Management Information System (EMIS) 2 providing data on educational access, resources, and outcomes for 2009-2013 (the most recent validated data available at the time of publication). In 2013, EMIS coverage rates 3 were above 90 per cent for both primary and secondary schools (see Table 3). Population and socioeconomic data were obtained from the fifth Sudan Population and Housing Census of 2008 and population projections of the South Sudan National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). ...
Citations
... There is an unsettled debate over whether education reduces violent conflict. Some studies have recognised the centrality of education, particularly secondary education, in preventing relapse into violent conflict (Collier & Hoffler, 2004), other studies challenged this generalisation and argued instead that the exclusive system of education and education inequality may contribute to and perpetuate violent conflict (Novelli et al, 2016). Generally, the critical peacebuilding literature has been criticised for not bringing education to the central debate of peacebuilding, while "liberal peace" literature has been criticised for avoiding discussion of the need for the kind of social transformation that education may bring (Daoust, 2018). ...
... Besides literature review, the study collected and assessed the relevant secondary data for addressing the research question. Secondary data from the Ministry of Education and conflict incidents from Novelli et al. (2016) were analysed to establish the association between education and conflict. The findings from other studies (Kuol, 2020b;Biringi, 2015;UNDP, 2015;SSCSF, 2018;IRI, 2013) were used for comparison. ...
... One glaring omission in this study is that the focus has been on the level of education rather than the content and system of education. Some studies found strong links between the content of education and conflict within the broader political economy dynamics (Novelli et al., 2016). One of the limitations of this study is that the sample of people interviewed is extremely low and it gathered information only from educated citizens from secondary school and above and with no information from those who did not attend school. ...
... There is an unsettled debate over whether education reduces violent conflict. Some studies have recognised the centrality of education, particularly secondary education, in preventing relapse into violent conflict (Collier & Hoffler, 2004), other studies challenged this generalisation and argued instead that the exclusive system of education and education inequality may contribute to and perpetuate violent conflict (Novelli et al, 2016). Generally, the critical peacebuilding literature has been criticised for not bringing education to the central debate of peacebuilding, while "liberal peace" literature has been criticised for avoiding discussion of the need for the kind of social transformation that education may bring (Daoust, 2018). ...
... Besides literature review, the study collected and assessed the relevant secondary data for addressing the research question. Secondary data from the Ministry of Education and conflict incidents from Novelli et al. (2016) were analysed to establish the association between education and conflict. The findings from other studies (Kuol, 2020b;Biringi, 2015;UNDP, 2015;SSCSF, 2018;IRI, 2013) were used for comparison. ...
... One glaring omission in this study is that the focus has been on the level of education rather than the content and system of education. Some studies found strong links between the content of education and conflict within the broader political economy dynamics (Novelli et al., 2016). One of the limitations of this study is that the sample of people interviewed is extremely low and it gathered information only from educated citizens from secondary school and above and with no information from those who did not attend school. ...
In this article, the researchers tried to evaluate the contribution of civil society to Mongolian democracy and the problems faced by civil society. In addition, the article aimed to determine the unique national criteria of Mongolian democracy and the need to create an organization to monitor the process of democracy. The process of identifying important documents and ideals for the development of Mongolian civil society today is still in its early stages. It can be said that the approval of the democratic constitution and the first free and fair parliamentary elections as a country that has newly and restored democracy became another impetus for the creation of a new type of citizen organization.
It is characterized by trying to study the changes that have occurred since this historical period at the intersection of
political science and security studies. One of the most important issues today is to find out how many nongovernmental
and civil society organizations exist in Mongolia today, which are Western-oriented, focused on specific issues, have their own position and opinion, are specialized, and are capable of influencing government policy. On the other hand, in this article, we emphasize whether non-governmental and civil society organizations, which aim to hold the government accountable, and carry out influence and control activities, are fully developed.
... There is an unsettled debate over whether education reduces violent conflict. Some studies have recognised the centrality of education, particularly secondary education, in preventing relapse into violent conflict (Collier & Hoffler, 2004), other studies challenged this generalisation and argued instead that the exclusive system of education and education inequality may contribute to and perpetuate violent conflict (Novelli et al, 2016). Generally, the critical peacebuilding literature has been criticised for not bringing education to the central debate of peacebuilding, while "liberal peace" literature has been criticised for avoiding discussion of the need for the kind of social transformation that education may bring (Daoust, 2018). ...
... Besides literature review, the study collected and assessed the relevant secondary data for addressing the research question. Secondary data from the Ministry of Education and conflict incidents from Novelli et al. (2016) were analysed to establish the association between education and conflict. The findings from other studies (Kuol, 2020b;Biringi, 2015;UNDP, 2015;SSCSF, 2018;IRI, 2013) were used for comparison. ...
... One glaring omission in this study is that the focus has been on the level of education rather than the content and system of education. Some studies found strong links between the content of education and conflict within the broader political economy dynamics (Novelli et al., 2016). One of the limitations of this study is that the sample of people interviewed is extremely low and it gathered information only from educated citizens from secondary school and above and with no information from those who did not attend school. ...
... The most recent conflict emerged in December 2013. It has been described in ethnic terms, but this is widely considered to be an oversimplification of a complex protracted crisis (Johnson 2014;Novelli et al. 2016;Pinaud 2014). Numerous peace treaties were not effectively implemented and extensive conflict and displacement has had devastating educational implications. ...
... Decades of conflict in the late 1900s left a legacy of distrust between Sudan and South Sudan (Breidlid 2013;Sharkey 2008). Arabic language and culture are considered to reflect the culture of Sudan-the historical enemy of the South Sudanese army and current government-but also continue to influence the South Sudanese population, as a large proportion of the population are practicing Muslims and/or speak Arabic as a first language (Novelli et al. 2016). While there are armed groups associated with certain ethnicities, divisions within groups also exist, as well as many other factors that influence motivations for conflict (Human Rights Council 2018). ...
... While there are armed groups associated with certain ethnicities, divisions within groups also exist, as well as many other factors that influence motivations for conflict (Human Rights Council 2018). Such factors include extreme poverty and inequity, the normalization of violence, and divisions along interrelated political, geographic, and economic lines (Novelli et al. 2016). The military elite established a hegemonic authority notorious for abusing state resources and propagating a military aristocracy (Pinaud 2014). ...
Primary school textbooks can provide space for learning about peace and inclusion but can also reinforce messages of inequality and division. This article describes a thematic analysis of South Sudan’s textbooks for pupils in Grade 4 social studies, English, and Christian Religious Education. The analysis uses the IREC framework that positions education as having multiple potential overlapping roles in relation to conflict—victim, accomplice, and transformer—to show that the textbooks’ content contains some motions toward social change, but more often passively reinforces the status quo. While peace and social acceptance of diversity and gender equality are sometimes explicitly promoted, there is an overarching emphasis on maintaining and accepting social norms without critically interrogating the social structures that can foster inequality and lead to conflict. This analysis positions the textbooks primarily as accomplices to conflict, with some movement toward transformation, across the themes of religion and ethnicity, governance, gender, and conflict.KeywordsConflictLearning materialsPeacebuildingPrimary schoolSouth SudanTextbooks
... The foundational place of curriculum within national imaginaries and envisioned futures is evident both in newlyindependent states and long-established national education systems. For example, in South Sudan, the most recently independent country in the world, the Interim Constitution and Education Act of 2012 laid the legal groundwork for the formation of a new curriculum and, in 2013, the government began a systematic curriculum review towards the specific goals of ridding the country of curricula from Kenya, Sudan, and Ethiopia that have been in use, with the aim of developing a new national South Sudanese curriculum (Novelli et al. 2016). The South Sudan National Curriculum was launched in 2015. ...
This essay explores the civic education of refugees within the context of a radical global policy shift to include refugees in national education systems. I argue that this shift has promoted structural inclusion of refugees in national schooling but has not adequately engaged with the relational processes of inclusion. I explore two central dilemmas for civic education in this context: the dilemma of nation-state-centric curriculum and national narratives that do not include refugees; and the dilemma of marginalisation of refugees within national education systems and limited spaces for refugees to imagine or enact civic behaviours. I examine these dilemmas through a synthesis of existing literature, both historical and contemporary, that addresses civic dimensions of the educational experiences of refugee children while also drawing on my original research with refugee children and in refugee-hosting schools and from interviews with national and global actors. I conclude with reflections on the implications of these dilemmas for future research to inform school-based practices in refugee education.
... The most recent conflict emerged in December 2013. It has been described in ethnic terms, but this is widely considered to be an oversimplification of a complex protracted crisis (Johnson 2014;Novelli et al. 2016;Pinaud 2014). Numerous peace treaties were not effectively implemented and extensive conflict and displacement has had devastating educational implications. ...
... Decades of conflict in the late 1900s left a legacy of distrust between Sudan and South Sudan (Breidlid 2013;Sharkey 2008). Arabic language and culture are considered to reflect the culture of Sudan-the historical enemy of the South Sudanese army and current government-but also continue to influence the South Sudanese population, as a large proportion of the population are practicing Muslims and/or speak Arabic as a first language (Novelli et al. 2016). While there are armed groups associated with certain ethnicities, divisions within groups also exist, as well as many other factors that influence motivations for conflict (Human Rights Council 2018). ...
... While there are armed groups associated with certain ethnicities, divisions within groups also exist, as well as many other factors that influence motivations for conflict (Human Rights Council 2018). Such factors include extreme poverty and inequity, the normalization of violence, and divisions along interrelated political, geographic, and economic lines (Novelli et al. 2016). The military elite established a hegemonic authority notorious for abusing state resources and propagating a military aristocracy (Pinaud 2014). ...
Primary school textbooks can provide space for learning about peace and inclusion but can also reinforce messages of inequality and division. This article describes a thematic analysis of South Sudan’s textbooks for pupils in Grade 4 Social Studies, English, and Christian Religious Education. The analysis uses a conceptual framework that positions education as having multiple potential overlapping roles in relation to conflict—victim, accomplice, and transformer—to show that the textbooks’ content contains some motions toward social change, but more often passively reinforces the status quo. While peace and social acceptance of diversity and gender equality are sometimes explicitly promoted, there is an overarching emphasis on maintaining and accepting social norms without critically interrogating the social structures that can foster inequality and lead to conflict. This analysis positions the textbooks primarily as accomplices to conflict, with some movement toward transformation, across the themes of religion and ethnicity, governance, gender, and conflict.
... It draws Galtung's [37] notion of positive peace through the elimination of structural and cultural violence. Novelli, Lopes Cardozo, and Smiths [38,39] 4Rs framework (representation, redistribution, recognition, and reconciliation), and the notion of the violence of omission [40,41]. The following sections explicates the adaption of the 4Rs framework to the context of Sri Lanka and the goal of gender-transformative education for peacebuilding by adding a 5th R, resilience. ...
... It requires students to engage in critical thinking about their realities and understand and transform the root causes of conflict within a society. The first two Rs, representation and redistribution, reflect the need to ensure that members of marginalized communities' voices are heard in decision making and given equitable access to resources within education systems [39]. In the context of the three rural communities in the war-affected regions, a key focus will be access to schools, adequate resources and infrastructure, and qualified teachers and if and how access to these resources are gendered. ...
... Recognition, 3rd R, of, respect for and response to diversity, identity and equity related to linguistic, cultural, ethnic, religious, ability and gender through policy and curriculum (formal and informal) are important dimensions of social cohesion [39]. A key indicator for recognition is how violence based on differences is addressed and responded to [39]. ...
There is growing evidence to support the relationship between levels of gender inequality in a society and its potential for conflict. Positive attitudes to gender equality in and through education strengthen social cohesion; consequently, there is a need for gender-transformative education for peacebuilding. Drawing on the 4Rs (representation, redistribution, recognition, and reconciliation) framework in conjunction with the idea of incremental transformation with a focus on resilience, this study examines how eleven ethnic minority high school girls from Sri Lanka understand the transformative role of education in their lives as it relates to peace and gender equality. Education was a source of hope for the participants of this study and thus contributed to their resilience. However, rather than fostering and capitalizing on this resilience to build social cohesion and peace, education and the school systems are silencing them. This silencing is evident in the acceptance and normalization of militarization in their communities, daily experiences of gender-based violence (GBV), and the message, through the formal and informal curriculum, that gender equality has been achieved in Sri Lanka.
... However, as Novelli et al. (2016) argue, within post-conflict contexts in particular interventions can fail to support social cohesion and social justice goals, and may establish weak conditions for teacher governance that can leave teachers themselves operating within a system that works against their efforts. Teachers for example may experience fragmented recruitment and management approaches, high teacher attrition and low pay, 'localised' deployment in remote areas, recruitment and promotion based on patronage networks and high levels of teacher turnover and low levels of retention. ...
... What surfaces in the interventions examined here are contradictory organising processes -bureaucratic compliance and procedurally driven forms of accountability that rub against teacher agency to effect trust, belonging and participation. In this respect strengthening teacher governance interventions in practice requires balancing different sets of expectations between actors (Novelli et al. 2016). This requires forms of regulation that are based on trusting teachers and that do not simply lead to a 'teacher blame' culture (Sayed et al. 2015). ...
The governance of teachers during apartheid in South Africa was characterised by high levels of disparity in teacher distribution and in conditions of labour. In the post-apartheid context policies and interventions that govern teachers are critical, and teachers can be seen to be placed in a central role as actors whose distribution, employment, recruitment and deployment can serve to redress the past, promote equity and build trust for social cohesion. In this context, this paper examines several teacher governance mechanisms and interventions, namely the post provisioning norm and standards (PPNs), the Funza Lushaka Bursary Programme (FLBP), and the South African Council of Educators. The analysis suggests that undifferentiated policy frameworks for teacher governance result in measures that weakly account for differing contextual realities and persistent inequality. Additionally, the emphasis on technocratic measures of accountability in teacher governance interventions constrains teachers’ agency to promote peace and social cohesion.
... Several states have not yet implemented the Southern Sudan syllabus of 2007 and since 2014 an increasing number of schools teach according to the old Sudan syllabus that most southerners were forced to use prior to independence. There is no unified curriculum for South Sudan yet and it is difficult for students to understand the messy curriculum situation because some schools use the curricula and syllabi of either Uganda, Kenya, Sudan or Ethiopia (Novelli et al. 2016;Radio-Miraya 2015) 1 . ...
This article analyses the teaching and learning of South Sudan history from 1955–2005 in secondary schools in South Sudan with a specific focus on national unity. The article draws on two periods of focused ethnography, from September to December 2014 and July to September 2015, including classroom observation and interviews with teachers, student teachers and students in two geographical locations. Additionally, 69 written essays from secondary school students of History have been analysed in order to get an insight into their knowledge of the recent violent past. The use of classroom video observation makes a significant contribution to the field as most studies focus on documents and textbooks. The analysis focuses on national unity and uses theories of collective memory and attribution to examine the narratives of the past. The article argues that the national narrative of South Sudan is still closely tied to enemy images of the former enemy of Sudan in the north, while internal ethnic tensions are suppressed and excluded from the official national narrative taught in the classroom.
Final Synthesis Report of the ESRC/DFID Poverty Alleviation Fund Research Project This publication is a part of the ‘Engaging teachers in peacebuilding in post-conflict contexts: Evaluating education interventions in Rwanda and South Africa’ research project. The work was funded by the ESRC/DFID Joint Fund for Poverty Alleviation and led by Yusuf Sayed as PI, together with researchers at CIE, University of Sussex; the University of Bristol; Centre for International Teacher Education (CITE), Cape Peninsula University of Technology, South Africa; and the College of Education, University of Rwanda. All our project publications are available at www.sussex.ac.uk/cie/projects/current/peacebuilding/outputs