Table 1 - uploaded by Viachaslau Yarashevich
Content may be subject to copyright.
Source publication
A U.S.-based geographer and Belarusian political scientist assess the current economic crisis in Belarus. Although the country's financial situation is serious in the short term, they argue that analysis of basic social and economic indicators provides some evidence of underlying strength and stability, recently bolstered by a number of trade agree...
Context in source publication
Context 1
... market reforms in the country were very slow and often inconsistent, frustrating domestic businesses and foreign observers. Accord- ingtoeconomicreformrankingsbytheEuropeanBankofReconstructionandDevelopment, Belarus has consistently ranked as one of the least-reformed states in the post-communist world (Table 1). By contrast, Russia and Ukraine had some of the best rankings not only in the formerSovietUnion,butalsoamongallpost-communistcountries.Especiallylowhasbeen ...
Similar publications
El presente artículo explora el concepto heterogeneidad estructural con el doble objetivo de, por un lado, analizar las diferentes interpretaciones que tuvo el concepto a lo largo de la historia del pensamiento económico latinoamericano y, por otro, examinar su relación con otro fenómeno propio del capitalismo periférico, como lo es la desigualdad...
1) INCRA (ana.ellery@fla.incra.gov.br), Fortaleza, CE; (2) Pesquisadora da Embrapa Agroindústria Tropical. helenira@cnpat.embrapa.br; Fortaleza, CE; (3) Fórum dos Assentamentos de Santana do Acaraú, (4) Prefeitura Municipal de Santana do Acaraú. RESUMO: Entendendo a importância da elaboração de narrativas sobre experiências de intervenção no mundo...
The Gini coefficient which measures the unfair distribution of income is a value between 0 and 1. As the index value approaches to 1, unfairness increases and as it approaches to 0, income distribution becomes fairer. The aim of this study is to examine the effect of real interest on income distribution in 5 developing countries which are close to...
Citations
... However, by 2004 the Belarusian economy had reached the same level of gross domestic product (GDP) seen in 1990 (Ioffe 2004, p. 90). Belarus outperformed its neighbours-Russia and Ukraine-in GDP growth, income equality, agricultural productivity, education expenditure, health care and life expectancy (Ioffe & Yarashevich 2011). Unlike other post-Soviet states, the Belarusian authorities increased the number of 'state-, enterprise-, and trade union-sponsored health and recreation homes and rest homes' (Ioffe 2014b, pp. ...
In the 2000s the Belarusian regime appeared adept at developing appropriate methods for countering external democratisation efforts and was even a model for other post-Soviet autocracies. To cope with ever-changing internal and external environments, the regime honed the methods of adaptive authoritarianism. However, this article shows that the Belarusian system is fragile and failing by using a framework that analyses various aspects of adaptive authoritarianism, including performance legitimacy, personalist rule, neopatrimonialism, managed pluralism and coercive capacity.
... Ioffe and Yarashevich 2011. ...
The chapter overviews the intra-CIS economic trajectories after 1991. It explores trends in intra-regional trade, investments, the status and prospects of integration efforts. It also analyses the potential challengers, the EU's Eastern Partnership programme and China's growing influence predominantly in Central Asia. Despite the declining trend in intra-regional cooperation and Russia's leverage, these later centers of gravity do not represent a full-fledged alternative. Thus Moscow can preserve a good deal of its influence, based on regional inertia.
... Ioffe and Yarashevich 2011. ...
This chapter discusses the spiritual ties between the post-Soviet countries and the way in which the Russian state has attempted to make use of them. First, the evolution and connotations of the Russian World (russkiy mir) concept will be elaborated: how it has been applied in Russia’s political discourse, and whether or how it is different from the parallel concept of ‘Holy Rus’’ (svyataya Rus’), crucial for the Russian Orthodox Church.
The connections of individual post-Soviet countries to this ‘spiritual’ Russian World will then be briefly discussed, focusing on those countries that have a strong tradition of Orthodox belief and/or close ties with the Russian Orthodox Church. Finally, the chapter analyses the question of how the Russian state, with support of the Russian Orthodox Church, has aimed at politicizing the spiritual bonds between the post-Soviet
countries.
... The "State Rural Development Program", which was adopted in 2003, devotes special attention to technological improvements in agricultural production and specifies changes in the agricultural cooperative sector using private capital. A further objective of the program has been the construction of 68,000 apartments for young people (Ioffe, G. and Yarashevich, V. 2011). The year 2005 saw the launch of the agrogorodok program, which seeks to promote the development of villages with more than a thousand inhabitants (Box 6.2). ...
... In their view, civil liberties are less important values for Belarusians than a desire for order. On seeing the corruption, crime and growing social inequality in Russia and Ukraine, Belarusians attributed even greater importance to domestic order and social stability (Ioffe, G., Yarashevich, V. 2011). According to Frye, T. (2011), however, where there is internal social support and economic development, restrictions on civil liberties are unnecessary. ...
... Despite the contradictions, living standards are better and pensions are higher in Belarus than in the neighbouring countries of Ukraine and Russia (Ioffe, G. 2004(Ioffe, G. , 2006. Income inequality is also far lower; indeed, it is closer to the levels seen in the Scandinavian countries (Ioffe, G., Yarashevich, V. 2011) (Table 1.2). In the course of the transition, work productivity has increased without a significant decline in the employment level. ...
The Republic of Belarus, one of the larger European successor states of the Soviet Union, first appeared on the political map of Europe in 1991. Even today, Belarus is barely known to many European citizens, and the sporadic information provided by the media is not always free of bias. Several factors, however, indicate that Belarus deserves greater attention. The country lies in the buffer zone between two huge cultural realms that have clashed several times during recent centuries, leaving a lasting impact on the people, landscapes and heritage of the region. Belarus remains a transit country of geopolitical importance: viewed from Russia it is a window to the western part of Europe, while looking from the other side it is a gateway to the East. Belarus is also a country in transition, seeking its own development by means of a unique economic model that is based on the political and economic power of a centralized state. So far, Belarusian model has proved remarkably successful.
Recognizing the need to provide a factual, up-to-date and comprehensive overview of Belarus for both the scientific community and the broader public, Hungarian geographers commenced a complex research program in close co-operation with fellow geographers in Belarus. The result of their collaborative efforts is this atlas, which constitutes a further addition to the "in Maps" series initiated by the Geographical Institute of Hungarian Academy of Sciences in 2005. Like its predecessors, Belarus in Maps combines the features of a book and an atlas. The ninety-eight full-color maps and diagrams are complemented by authoritative explanatory texts written by a distinguished team of contributors from both countries. Beyond the usual topics of physical and human geography, separate chapters address issues of specific importance for Belarus, offering insights into the ethnic processes that led to the emergence of the Belarusian nation, the background to the Belarusian economic model, and the lasting impact of the Chernobyl disaster.
Available in both printed and electronic form, Belarus in Maps is destined to serve as an abundant source of information about the country and as a standard reference work for many years to come. The atlas may also function as a kind of "business card" for Belarus, familiarising people around the world within this fascinating young country.
http://www.mtafki.hu/inmaps/#menu4
... Two principal schools of interpretation of the country's position exist. The first is a group of researchers which argues for the country's positive macro performance in relation to Ukraine and Russia and assert its underlying resilience (Ioffe & Yarashevich, 2011). National statistics are deployed to support these arguments, including inter alia figures suggesting that high levels of human capital development are present. ...
We examine trends in investment in personnel in Belarussian enterprises and the impact they have on companies’ capacity to attract FDI and modernise. Others have argued in favour of the economy's robust fundamentals, using macro-level data. They have suggested that Belarussian industry has attracted considerable FDI, due in part to high investment in human capital. Our findings, based on micro-level data from Belarussian enterprises in 2009–2014, demonstrate that investments in personnel have decreased since the global financial crisis and are suboptimal, reducing industry's capacity to attract and retain FDI. Management has limited ability and inclination to address these problems, due to government pressure. We conclude that the model may be becoming less sustainable as a result.
... The figure suggests that the extent of rights and liberties in Belarus was close to that in Russia and Ukraine-in fact, identical in 1992-but receded dramatically in 1995 and 1996, no doubt as a result of the election in 1994 of Aleksandr Lukashenko as president. 32 After the erosion of rights and liberties that occurred in Russia in 1998-32 On Belarus, see Silitski (2010), Ioffe andYarashevich (2011), Clem (2011), and Wilson (2011). On Russia's supportive role in Lukashenko's efforts to reduce the power of parliament and consolidate his authoritarian regime, see Way (2011). ...
How, to what extent, and why have the forms of political authority in the non-Baltic post-Soviet states changed since 1991? What impact has Russia had on such changes? Drawing on Freedom House and Polity IV data, this article considers the extent and direction of changes in the democratic and authoritarian elements of the Russian and other post-Soviet polities in recent years, some of the linkages through which Russia may exercise leverage vis-à-vis the other post-Soviet states, and the extent to which exercising that leverage may have influenced the forms of political authority—specifically, the extent of democratization—in the other non-Baltic, post-Soviet states.
Analysing the contemporary housing development Minsk World as a paradigmatic case of the authoritarian neoliberal shift in housing delivery in Belarus, this paper focuses on the intersections of law, finance and architecture. This paper makes three contributions to the debate on the neoliberal shift in housing delivery and the role architecture plays within it. First, it challenges the widely held opinion that the neoliberal shift in housing delivery never happened in Belarus. Second, it explores how building codes and regulations governing certain aspects of housing delivery can be overcome through political intervention by an autocratic head of state. In so doing, the paper introduces the concept of “legitimized architecture” as a way of describing the spatial dimensions of laws, codes and regulations. Third, it highlights the role of architecture, as professional practice, in normalizing the legal reforms that have facilitated the commodification of urban housing in Belarus.
Against the background of political instability in Belarus and unsuccessful attempts to "deepen integration" in 2019-2020, the political economy of Russian-Belarusian cooperation as a subject of study goes far beyond academic interest and is of great practical importance. The article suggests that explanation of the integration difficulties in inside the nature of the existing Belarusian political and economic model, which becomes the main object of analysis. By analogy with the political economic model of "Putinomics" by С.Miller and the results of a comparative analysis, the political economic model of "Lukashenomics" and its main strategies (centralization of power, a high level of social obligations, state control of the economy, extraction of "political rent" from relations with Russia and the priority statehood over state solvency) are explained. On the basis of the model of resilience and stability of state systems developed earlier by the author as part of the team, the influence of the "Lukashenomics" on the resilience and stability of the state system of Belarus is determined. The fundamental incompatibility of the existing Belarusian and Russian political economic models is revealed and the prospects for the development of Russian-Belarusian relations in the context of possible scenarios for the transformation of the Belarusian model are determined.
This article addresses how both external democratic and non-democratic actors impact the persistence of non-democratic regimes in third countries. We focus on asymmetrical interdependences and advance the literature on the role of transnational flows by highlighting under which conditions and based on which mechanisms interdependences contribute to the persistence of non-democratic regimes. We investigate if the dominant mechanisms emerging from interdependences vary with the type of interdependence (vulnerability or sensitivity). We draw on evidence from empirical studies of Armenia, Belarus and Azerbaijan and their interdependences with Russia and the EU in the period of 2005–2015.
