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Determinants of administrators' Support for Faculty Unions and Collective bargaining, OlS Regressions
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This study analyzes attitudes towards faculty unions and collective bargaining among faculty and administrators in the United States and Canada. This is the first study which compares support for unionization and collective bargaining in American and Canadian universities among faculty members and administrators. The main research question is: Whic...
Citations
... Admissions of women and racial and ethnic minorities to doctoral programs and their appointments to faculty positions in the US, the UK, and Canada are backed by formal and informal affirmative action policies in addition to legal prohibition of discrimination against these groups. In recent decades, remedial policy for past discrimination has become policy for diversity (Katchanovski et al., 2015;Katchanovski et al., 2011). ...
This chapter analyses factors that determine the academic placement of PhD graduates of US, British, and Canadian universities from East Central Europe and post-Soviet countries with specialisation in post-communist studies. The analysis shows that merit-related factors, such as the number of published refereed articles, increase significantly the odds of placement in permanent faculty position in Western universities. However, male Belarusian, Russian, and Ukrainian doctoral graduates are significantly less likely than those from the other countries studied to secure such faculty positions in Western universities. The findings are strongly suggestive of discrimination against, and the deliberate exclusion of, male job candidates from these countries, which can be interpreted as part of the wider manufacture of consent in the Western countries supporting the proxy war in Ukraine. The strongest indicator of this is the extant lack of male Ukrainian political scientists in tenured positions in Western universities, that is, during the Russia-Ukraine war when detailed knowledge about Ukraine presumably is at a premium. Such discrimination is also inconsistent with declarations regarding the importance of 'Ukrainian voices' and the 'decolonization' of post-communist studies in the West. The study raises questions about bias and the politization of the study of East Central Europe and post-Soviet countries in Western academia.
... Internal conflicts also prevent more successful mobilisation: by discipline, especially in sciences; by type of contract, especially among the less secure career tracks. These differences echo earlier findings about the extent to which several features among academics affect their propensity to engage with unions (Katchanovski et al., 2011). These conditions are in line with UCU effectiveness as a union (Badigannavar & Kelly, 2005) and chime with Blader (2007) who found that identification with the union-organising group is an important predictor of engagement with the union. ...
The purpose of the paper is to understand why academics' main association and trade union in England (University and College Union-UCU) is not stronger in its representation capacity, deepening knowledge regarding its role in the wider higher education sector. UCU operates in an adversarial context, claiming itself to be academics' main voice. However, UCU, as an association/union of academics, does not have a monopoly on representation, nor is the representation that it offers consistently strong. Applying a "Multiple Logics" perspective to this under-investigated topic within higher education, findings suggest that UCU is hampered by: 1) an increasingly heterogeneous academic workforce, resulting in contrasting interests; 2) an overriding cascade of managerialism in all ranks; 3) a widespread soloist mentality among academics; 4) an understanding of one's profession as in contrast with the idea of mobilization; 5) internal ideological conflicts among UCU activists.
... Much survey-based and case study-based research exists that examines the individual and collective decisions involved in unionization among full-time faculty. Among the factors studied in depth by scholars are perceptions of power structures and power relations at the institution (Neumann, 1980); political ideology (Hemmasi & Graf, 1993;Katchanovski, Rothman, & Nevitte, 2011); faculty perceptions of issues to be bargained (Gress, 1976); wages, specifically that lower-paid faculty are more interested in union membership than higher-paid faculty (Dworkin & Lee, 1985;Hemmasi & Graf, 1993;Katchanovski, Rothman, & Nevitte, 2011;Savage, Webber, & Butovsky, 2012); job security (Dworkin & Lee, 1985); job or institutional satisfaction (Bernhardt, 1977;Bornheimer, 1985;Castro, 2000); work context (Hemmasi & Graf, 1993); whether the faculty member has tenure (Katchanovski, Rothman, & Nevitte, 2011;Kazlow & Giacquinta, 1977); union instrumentality at one's own institution (Hammasi & Graf, 1993); and governance issues, like grievance procedures and input on decision-making (Bornheimer, 1985;Savage, Webber, & Butovsky, 2012). These results demonstrate that there are many specific factors of the academic profession that must be accounted for in any study of faculty attitudes about unions and collective bargaining. ...
... Much survey-based and case study-based research exists that examines the individual and collective decisions involved in unionization among full-time faculty. Among the factors studied in depth by scholars are perceptions of power structures and power relations at the institution (Neumann, 1980); political ideology (Hemmasi & Graf, 1993;Katchanovski, Rothman, & Nevitte, 2011); faculty perceptions of issues to be bargained (Gress, 1976); wages, specifically that lower-paid faculty are more interested in union membership than higher-paid faculty (Dworkin & Lee, 1985;Hemmasi & Graf, 1993;Katchanovski, Rothman, & Nevitte, 2011;Savage, Webber, & Butovsky, 2012); job security (Dworkin & Lee, 1985); job or institutional satisfaction (Bernhardt, 1977;Bornheimer, 1985;Castro, 2000); work context (Hemmasi & Graf, 1993); whether the faculty member has tenure (Katchanovski, Rothman, & Nevitte, 2011;Kazlow & Giacquinta, 1977); union instrumentality at one's own institution (Hammasi & Graf, 1993); and governance issues, like grievance procedures and input on decision-making (Bornheimer, 1985;Savage, Webber, & Butovsky, 2012). These results demonstrate that there are many specific factors of the academic profession that must be accounted for in any study of faculty attitudes about unions and collective bargaining. ...
... Much survey-based and case study-based research exists that examines the individual and collective decisions involved in unionization among full-time faculty. Among the factors studied in depth by scholars are perceptions of power structures and power relations at the institution (Neumann, 1980); political ideology (Hemmasi & Graf, 1993;Katchanovski, Rothman, & Nevitte, 2011); faculty perceptions of issues to be bargained (Gress, 1976); wages, specifically that lower-paid faculty are more interested in union membership than higher-paid faculty (Dworkin & Lee, 1985;Hemmasi & Graf, 1993;Katchanovski, Rothman, & Nevitte, 2011;Savage, Webber, & Butovsky, 2012); job security (Dworkin & Lee, 1985); job or institutional satisfaction (Bernhardt, 1977;Bornheimer, 1985;Castro, 2000); work context (Hemmasi & Graf, 1993); whether the faculty member has tenure (Katchanovski, Rothman, & Nevitte, 2011;Kazlow & Giacquinta, 1977); union instrumentality at one's own institution (Hammasi & Graf, 1993); and governance issues, like grievance procedures and input on decision-making (Bornheimer, 1985;Savage, Webber, & Butovsky, 2012). These results demonstrate that there are many specific factors of the academic profession that must be accounted for in any study of faculty attitudes about unions and collective bargaining. ...
Union membership has been in decline in the United States for several decades. According to figures from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, roughly 11% of American workers belong to a union, down from 20% when the data were first collected in 1983 (2016). Among the public-sector workers are educators, and while educators broadly, in all categories, have some of the highest rates of unionization of any profession, unionization has been less-universal within the colleges and universities in the United States. This category of educators has a unique history of unionization and is worthy of renewed examination within the current context of higher education politics. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to conduct a scoping literature review (Mays, Roberts & Popay, 2001; Arksey and O'Malley, 2005), to identify areas of opportunity for future research on unionization within higher education leading to new knowledge and new directions. The results indicate that there exists a number of very intriguing research areas for scholars to examine in the years ahead, using qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods designs, that may result in direct implications for researchers, theorists, higher education futurists, policymakers, and others.
... In assessing the political orientation of university faculty in Canada, Brym (1999, 2011) concluded that professors tilt to the left of the general population, but only slightly, and with substantial variation across universities and faculties within universities. While Nakhaie and Brym did ask their respondents how they felt about unions in general, little literature exists that explores the relationship between faculty unions and their own members (Katchanovski, Rothman, and Nevitte 2011) or other groups of university workers. While Anderson and Jones (1998) examined the organizational capacity and political activities of faculty associations in Canada, their study limited participation to the presidents or senior executive officers of Canadian faculty associations. ...
This study examines the views of full-time unionized university faculty at four primarily undergraduate universities in Ontario, Canada, on a broad range of issues related to postsecondary education, faculty associations, and the labor movement. The purpose of the study is twofold: first, to better understand the views of unionized professors regarding the role and effectiveness of their faculty unions and of labor unions more generally, and second to explore what impact such views might have on shaping the strategic orientation and political priorities of faculty associations in a context of unprecedented austerity measures and neoliberal restructuring in Ontario's postsecondary education sector. Based on the findings of a mixed-methods survey, we found that university professors were relatively satisfied union members with a healthy degree of union—as opposed to class—consciousness, but had little appetite for engaging in political activities beyond the narrow scope of postsecondary education. This finding, we argue, reinforces the false division between the “economic” and the “political” in the realm of labor strategy, thus potentially undermining the capacity of unionized faculty associations to effectively resist neoliberal restructuring both on campus and in society more broadly.
... Of course, there is collaboration, but the focus on developing their own career paths and enriching their curriculum vitae makes for a competitive environment in which each professor tries to stay ahead, and this logic sometimes overshadows the opportunities for social cohesion (Walker 2009). Nevertheless, according to a recent study, university professors are in favour of unionization and collective bargaining (Katchanovski et al. 2011). ...
Although workplace unions have many options when it comes to affiliating with a central labour body, some unions decide to remain independent or to disaffiliate after an experience of affiliation. To our knowledge, the literature has not widely examined the reasons behind the decision of some unions to remain independent. Based on a comparative case study of two university faculty unions in Quebec, this article aims to partly fill this gap in analysis. The results show that the particularities of the work of professors and the types of expertise needed to perform their duties influence their choice for union independence.
... Although collective bargaining in American universities is not as common as other countries such as Canada, labour unions can be powerful agents because they are influential over personnel resources in critical positions (Katchanovski, Rothman and Nevitte, 2011;Doucet, Smith and Durand, 2012). For example, the presence of faculty unions is positively associated with salary premium even when measurement errors and endogeneity between unionization and wages are corrected (Hedrick et al., 2011). ...
In this study, we examine institutional predictors of part-time faculty employment in the higher education sector in the United States. We draw upon institutional and individual-level data to examine the variation in the intensity of part-time employment in faculty positions among a representative sample of higher education institutions. Institutional-level data are from Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS) and individual-level data are from National Study of Postsecondary Faculty (NSOPF). These data allow us to examine the impact of both economic factors and social environment on employment practices of colleges and universities. This analysis adds to the emerging literature on non-standard work arrangements in core organizational functions.
Our results suggest that the employment of part-time faculty is significantly associated with a set of organizational attributes and characteristics such as institutional type, sources of revenue, and part-time student enrolment. Private institutions, on average, have higher levels of part-time faculty than their public counterparts. The proportion of part-time students and the share of institutional revenues derived from tuition and fees are positively associated with part-time faculty employment. Faculty unions are positively related to the employment of part-time faculty. Finally, institutions that have limited resource slack and pay high salaries to their full-time faculty members tend to employ a high proportion of part-time faculty. These results support the arguments that higher educational institutions actively design and adopt contingent work arrangements to manage their resource dependence with constituencies and to reduce labour costs.
... collective bargaining in Litton Industries andGeneral Electric Company during year 1969-1971;Gilson et al. (1997) explain the theory of collective bargaining and including the use of it in USA and internationally; Matsa (2010) reports on the usage of debt financing to improve firm's bargaining position; Foster et al. (2011) explore the attitudes of New Zealander employers to collective bargaining and the union agents; Katchanovski et al. (2011) investigate the attitudes of employees towards collective bargaining in universities in USA and Canada. However, the academic papers examining the different point of view in collective bargaining in legal perspective and business perspective are still limited. ...
There are various kinds of bargaining, depending on the situation we cope with. This research aimed to explore the conceptual framework of collective bargaining in business and legal perspectives as well as to analyze the rationale, process, and result of legal and business collective bargaining. This research employed a qualitative technique in documentary research collecting opinions and information from various sources such as newspapers, academic journals, and books. The preliminary results showed that collective bargaining was not an obsolete idea and its behavior was influenced by the legal requirement to bargain collectively in a good faith. The way to use it advantageously depended on how much power bargainers realized they had.
The strategy of collective bargaining in both legal and business perspective may be similar in some ways; however, the format of conducting it wish be different. Nonetheless, both legal and business collective bargaining had at least a correlation between them such as labor rights.
... Even though, there are a number of research studying in collective bargaining, for example, Weldon (1953) discusses about collective bargaining and its economic effects; Jensen (1963) criticizes the process of collective bargaining and questions its obsolescence; Alexander (1971) studies about conglomerate mergers and collective bargaining during year 1948-1968Glassman (1972) does a research on a public sector's collective bargaining and attempt and to suggest some brand-new directions for future research; Craypo (1975) explores the collective bargaining in Litton Industries and General Electric Company during year 1969-1971; Gilson et al. (1997) explain the theory of collective bargaining and including the use of it in USA and internationally; Matsa (2010) reports on the usage of debt financing to improve firm's bargaining position; De Jong (2011) studies the competition and the innovative intentions in Dutch enterprises where intentions correlate with the bargaining power of suppliers; Foster et al. (2011) explore the attitudes of New Zealander employers to collective bargaining and the union agents; Katchanovski et al. (2011) investigate the attitudes of employees towards collective bargaining in universities in USA and Canada. However, the academic papers examining the different point of view in collective bargaining in legal perspective and business perspective are still limited. ...
This paper aims to describe the different point of view in collective behavior between legal context and business context. As in business context, in which collective bargaining concerns about a monetary system, a group of farmers can use collective bargaining as a tool to deal with injustice negotiation. Nowadays, a number of goods and services produced/provided are discovered to be determinate; namely, higher or lower wage of the workers, resulted from winning or losing the collective bargaining will affect to the price of goods sold or services provided. Collective bargaining is not an obsolete idea. The way to use it advantageously is depended on how much power bargainers realize they have. The strategy of collective bargaining in both legal and business perspective may be similar in some ways; but however, the format of conducting it may be different. In conclusion, to sustain the relationship between employees and employer or buyers and seller is to maximize both parties profit. When the needs of both parties are fulfilled, the outcomes will generate benefit for the society and all stakeholders.
... Both countries are democracies, and they both have advanced economies. However, there are significant U.S.-Canada differences in terms of certain aspects of political values or cultures that are defined as fundamental political orientations, outlooks, beliefs, and norms (see Adams 2004;Alston, Morris, and Vedlitz 1996;Inglehart, Nevitte, and Basanez, 1996;Lipset, 1990;Lipset, 1996;Lipset, Meltz, Gomez, and Katchanovski, 2004;Katchanovski, Rothman, and Nevitte, 2011;White, 2003). But there is also evidence of convergence of Canadian and American political values, in contrast to a nondiminishing or even growing disparity in social values (see Adams 2004;Inglehart, Nevitte and Basanez, 1996;Nevitte, 1996). ...
This study compares the American and Canadian television coverage of the Fukushima nuclear accident in Japan with that of the Chernobyl (Chornobyl) accident in Ukraine. These two disasters were the biggest accidents involving nuclear plants in the world. The first research question is whether political factors, such as Japan, in contrast to Ukraine, being an ally of the United States and Canada, affected the coverage of these accidents by American and Canadian television networks. The second question is whether the U.S.-Canada differences in the coverage of the Fukushima and Chernobyl disasters reflected differences in the American and Canadian political cultures. Previous studies generally have focused on the media coverage of a single nuclear accident, and they typically were limited to the media reporting in one country. This paper uses content analysis of television news reports concerning the Fukushima and Chernobyl disasters for more than one year since the beginning of the nuclear accident in Japan in March 2011. It analyzes more than 250 references, comparing the two disasters in news programs of the most popular TV networks in the U.S. (ABC, CBS, NBC, and Fox) and Canada (CBC and CTV). Specific news reports are identified with the help of keyword searches of transcripts of the television programs in the LexisNexis database. The content analysis involves both a general comparison of the Fukushima and Chernobyl nuclear accidents and a comparison of specific aspects, such as causes of the accidents, radiation release, liquidation of disasters, and health consequences. The study shows the importance of political factors in the media coverage of the nuclear disasters. It offers support for the indexing model and finds significant differences in the coverage by ideological orientation in the U.S. and public versus private networks in Canada. Convergence in the coverage outweighs political culture differences between the U.S. and Canada.
... Both countries are democracies, and they both have advanced economies. However, there are significant U.S.-Canada differences in terms of certain aspects of political values or cultures that are defined as fundamental political orientations, outlooks, beliefs, and norms (see Adams 2004;Alston, Morris, and Vedlitz 1996;Inglehart, Nevitte, and Basanez, 1996;Lipset, 1990;Lipset, 1996;Lipset, Meltz, Gomez, and Katchanovski, 2004;Katchanovski, Rothman, and Nevitte, 2011;White, 2003). But there is also evidence of convergence of Canadian and American political values, in contrast to a nondiminishing or even growing disparity in social values (see Adams 2004;Inglehart, Nevitte and Basanez, 1996;Nevitte, 1996). ...
This study compares the American and Canadian television coverage of the Fukushima nuclear accident in Japan with that of the Chernobyl (Chornobyl) accident in Ukraine. These two disasters were the biggest accidents involving nuclear plants in the world. The first research question is whether political factors, such as Japan, in contrast to Ukraine, being an ally of the United States and Canada, affected the coverage of these accidents by American and Canadian television networks. The second question is whether the U.S.-Canada differences in the coverage of the Fukushima and Chernobyl disasters reflected differences in the American and Canadian political cultures. Previous studies generally have focused on the media coverage of a single nuclear accident, and they typically were limited to the media reporting in one country. This paper uses content analysis of television news reports concerning the Fukushima and Chernobyl disasters for more than one year since the beginning of the nuclear accident in Japan in March 2011. It analyzes more than 250 references, comparing the two disasters in news programs of the most popular TV networks in the U.S. (ABC, CBS, NBC, and Fox) and Canada (CBC and CTV). Specific news reports are identified with the help of keyword searches of transcripts of the television programs in the LexisNexis database. The content analysis involves both a general comparison of the Fukushima and Chernobyl nuclear accidents and a comparison of specific aspects, such as causes of the accidents, radiation release, liquidation of disasters, and health consequences. The study shows the importance of political factors in the media coverage of the nuclear disasters. It offers support for the indexing model and finds significant differences in the coverage by ideological orientation in the U.S. and public versus private networks in Canada. Convergence in the coverage outweighs political culture differences between the U.S. and Canada.