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![Figure 7 Intervocalic ["4 ] from /zD/ vs. intervocalic ["4 ] from /"/...](profile/Sky-Onosson/publication/362440940/figure/fig2/AS:11431281093867963@1667310737715/ntervocalic-4-from-zD-vs-intervocalic-4-from-in-tezighintezighin_Q320.jpg)
![Figure 8 (Colour online) ["4 ] F2 by bp-zcr according to phoneme: /z/,...](profile/Sky-Onosson/publication/362440940/figure/fig3/AS:11431281093859524@1667310737788/Colour-online-4-F2-by-bp-zcr-according-to-phoneme-z-zD-and_Q320.jpg)
![Figure 9 Dark [ë] in séla ninq'ez /se@ la ninq ' ez/ 'my hands are cold'.](profile/Sky-Onosson/publication/362440940/figure/fig4/AS:11431281093867964@1667310737859/Dark-e-in-sela-ninqez-se-la-ninq-ez-my-hands-are-cold_Q320.jpg)
![Figure 10 (Colour online) [l] F2 by bp-zcr according to phoneme: /z/,...](profile/Sky-Onosson/publication/362440940/figure/fig5/AS:11431281093880311@1667310737976/Colour-online-l-F2-by-bp-zcr-according-to-phoneme-z-zD-and-l_Q320.jpg)
This paper provides an acoustic description of /z/ and /z ʕ / in Tŝilhqot’in (Northern Dene). These sounds are noted by Cook (1993, 2013) to show lenition and some degree of laterality in coda position. Based on recordings made in 2014 with a single, mother-tongue speaker of Tŝilhqot’in, we describe their acoustic properties and examine their distr...
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... ANOVAs (phoneme) show that surface lateral realizations are distinguished by several acoustic parameters (Table B5), including F2 (higher in /z/ vs. /l/ and /zD/, no significant difference between /l/ and /zD/) and bp-zcr (lower in /l/ vs. /z/ and /zD/, no significant difference between /z/ and /zD/). The F2 results are surprising, since our perception was that /l/ is realized as a lighter lateral than both /z/ and /zD/ (see Figure 9). Bp-zcr results reflect the fact that /l/ is a true (and consistent) approximant, whereas /z/ and /zD/ are more variable in manner, even when coded as [ë]. ...
Context 2
... ANOVAs (phoneme) show that surface lateral realizations are distinguished by several acoustic parameters (Table B5), including F2 (higher in /z/ vs. /l/ and /zD/, no significant difference between /l/ and /zD/) and bp-zcr (lower in /l/ vs. /z/ and /zD/, no significant difference between /z/ and /zD/). The F2 results are surprising, since our perception was that /l/ is realized as a lighter lateral than both /z/ and /zD/ (see Figure 9). Bp-zcr results reflect the fact that /l/ is a true (and consistent) approximant, whereas /z/ and /zD/ are more variable in manner, even when coded as [ë]. ...
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Citations
... e Athabaskan language Tsilhqot'in has a series of retracted coronals which patterns with uvular consonants, just like its Interior Salish neighbors to the south (Krauss, 1975;Cook, 1978Cook, , 1983Cook, , 1984Cook, , 1993aLatimer, 1978Latimer, , p. 237-238, 2013Goad, 1989;Ananian and Nevins, 2001;Hansson, 2010, p. 79-81;Bird and Onosson, 2022). Hansson (2010) gives a pointed description: ...
This article applies the notion of redeployment in second language acquisition to contact-induced diachronic changes. Of special interest are cases where a marked phonological contrast has spread across neighboring languages. Such cases suggest that listeners can re-weight and re-map phonetic cues onto novel phonological structures. On the redeployment view, cues can indeed be re-weighted, but phonological structures which underlie a new contrast are not expected to be fully novel; rather, they must be assembled from preexisting phonological structures. Emphatics are an instructive case. These are (mostly) coronal consonants articulated with tongue-root retraction. Phonological emphasis is rare among the world's languages but it is famously endogenous in Arabic and in Interior Salish and it has spread from these to not a few neighboring languages. The present study describes and analyzes the genesis of phonological emphasis and its exogenous spread to a dozen mostly unrelated languages—from Arabic to Iranian and Caucasian languages, among others, and from Interior Salish to Athabaskan and Wakashan languages. This research shows that most languages acquire emphatics by redeploying the phonological feature [RTR] (retracted tongue root) from preexisting uvulars. On the other hand, some languages acquire imitations of emphatics by redeploying the consonantal use of [low] from preexisting pharyngeals. Phonological emphasis is apparently not borrowed by neighboring languages where consonants lack a phonological feature fit for redeployment. The overall impression is that a language in contact with emphatics may newly adopt these sounds as [RTR] or [low] only if the relevant feature is already in use in its consonant system. This pattern of adoption in language contact supports the redeployment construct in second language acquisition theory.
