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Cut-off Value, Improvement in the Log Likelihood per Additional Tie, and p-Values for Each Tie According to the Vuong Test, for the First 170 Ties. The Same Cut-Off Value of 40 Ties Was Used for the Analysis Presented in the Main Text and an Outlier-Corrected Diffusion Network without the Swedish Parliament, which Can Be Found in Online Appendix 4.
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Since the Treaty of Lisbon, national parliamentary chambers in the European Union can issue reasoned opinions on legislative proposals by the European Commission. These individual reasoned opinions lead to a review if at least one third of all chambers raise such concerns. Hence, coordination among parliaments is key. Using advances in inferential...
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Context 1
... our application, we set the cut-off threshold to 40 ties, for three reasons: (a) this includes all ties that make a major contribution to the model fit (as per the marginal improvement); (b) this number of ties is still interpretable in network diagrams; and (c) this choice includes all diffusion ties that have p-values lower than 0.05, and very few between 0.05 and 0.10, according to the Vuong test implemented in the NetworkInference package ( Linder and Desmarais, 2019). These choices are depicted in Figure 3, which plots the cut-off value as a grey vertical bar. ...
Citations
... Existing scholarly works have employed computational linguistic tools and content analysis in various contexts, such as providing insights into persuasion strategies of radicalized Islamist groups (Windsor, 2020). This study uses the framework of the Sussex School of discourse analysis and is inspired by the studies conducted by Leifeld and his colleagues (Leifeld, 2017(Leifeld, , 2020Leifeld et al., 2021;Malang & Leifeld, 2021) in which network analysis is used as a method to examine content of political communication to identify links between verbal content and normative claims or policy formation. ...
Political leaders of pariah authoritarian states communicate their political discourse unilaterally, in a closed environment without free and open media access or the space for public scrutiny or debate. They use their speeches for various aims such as to respond to external shocks, justify hardship, appeal to domestic and international sympathy, assert autonomy and power, and influence policy and governance. This research uses Iran as a case study and offers an in‐depth analysis of 10 years of speeches by the country's Supreme Leader. In a case study of unilateral political communication method in an authoritarian environment, it sheds light on various aspects of the discourse generated by the country's Supreme Leader over a decade. It also analyzes the Leader's effort to influence policymaking and governance structure through practical official guidelines. Building upon existing theories of populism, the study seeks to unpack an understudied approach in populist politics that is based on a political discourse by the leadership which defines the populist dichotomy of people versus elite at the global level.
... The first parliamentary future institution was established in the 1990s, with the others created since the turn of the millennium, suggesting the possibility of organizational diffusion. The diffusion of policies and organizations has attracted broad attention, with scholars studying, for example, the diffusion of democratic institutions (Brinks and Coppedge, 2006;Gleditsch, 2002), diffusion of ideas among parliaments (Malang and Leifeld, 2021), diffusion among international organizations (Sommerer and Tallberg, 2019) or in policy documents like party manifestos (Böhmelt et al., 2016). 2 We also recognize policy transfer literature, which puts more emphasis on agency (Marsh and Sharman, 2009). ...
Global challenges from climate change to the COVID-19 pandemic have raised legitimate questions about the ability of democratic decision-makers to prepare for such crises. Gradually, countries throughout the world have established state-level foresight mechanisms. Most operate under the executive branch, but increasingly such institutions have started to emerge also in legislatures, expanding anticipatory governance towards democratic publics. Drawing on a global survey, official documents and expert interviews, this article presents the first comprehensive analysis of the emergence and diffusion of legislature-based future institutions. We show that, despite the early emergence of a pacesetting institution, such committees have spread slowly and only very recently, and they still exist in only a few countries. For diffusion, the findings highlight the importance of the pacesetter, semi-formal networks of like-minded individuals and personalized agency. Most especially, the role of Members of Parliament (MPs) seems crucial, suggesting that expanding anticipatory governance to legislatures is largely in the hand of legislators.
... This article fulfils these aspirations by combining semi-structured interviews with social network analysis (SNA). SNA is a powerful methodology to study the de facto involvement of different actors in humanitarian responses owing to its ability to produce rich empirical evidence regarding formal and informal exchanges (Bravo-Laguna, 2021;Schomaker et al., 2021). 1 Indeed, the use of SNA is increasing in EU studies (for example, see Malang and Leifeld, 2021). For their part, semi-structured interviews provide in-depth qualitative insights into the co-ordination of the response and the logic underlying the involvement of different actors in this effort. ...
This article examines the European Union (EU) involvement and co‐ordination of a humanitarian emergency response overseas. In particular, this article will examine the reaction to Cyclones Idai and Kenneth. By combining an exponential random graph model (ERGM) with semi‐structured interviews, this article will also apply resource dependence theory in order to identify actor characteristics that conditioned exchanges within the network that responded to this incident. Hence, it provides novel empirical evidence regarding de facto responses to humanitarian emergencies that increases understanding of social dynamics among the actors involved in these efforts. The findings of this study show that the co‐ordination of the EU response generally followed a multilateral logic. However, the limited empowerment of the local community throughout the response was less consistent with the strategic aspirations of the EU. For their part, donors tended to show less activity within the network than financial aid recipients.
Since the Lisbon Treaty, research on parliaments in EU affairs turned to the regional level, but few studies ask how subnational legislators engage with the substance of EU policies. We examine this topic based on statements by the parliamentary groups in all German Landtage concerning the reform of the Posted Workers Directive, which became particularly salient when the European Court of Justice liberalized wage clauses in state procurement law. Under which conditions did the parliamentary groups support the reform? Our configurational analysis reveals that a left party identity is the only necessary attribute for support, and that it becomes sufficient in conjunction with the group being in opposition or with state policy being affected by European jurisprudence. We find little evidence that the local economic context mattered. The results partly confirm research on the Europeanization of state procurement law but highlight the importance of policy shaping from below.
In the academic debate about the deficits of representative democracy in the European Union, the views of members of parliaments about their EU-oriented roles remain largely unknown. Against this background, we exploit a novel dataset from an author-designed survey conducted in seven national parliaments to unravel MPs’ preferences with regard to their EU-oriented empowerment. Our findings allow us to identify the dominant cognitive schemas mobilised among parliamentarians which attribute particular legitimacy-related meanings to proposed institutional reforms. They point to a stronger explanatory power of party ideological position over national constitutional orientations, with right-wing parties being more supportive towards parliamentary empowerment than their centre and centre-left counterparts, and mainstream parties being more sceptical of it than radical groups on both sides of the spectrum.
According to social theorists of time, the way societies structure and value different aspects of time plays an important role in people’s perception and evaluation of economic, political, and cultural change. I explore if two dimensions of social time—social acceleration and long-term orientation—have an effect on the public evaluation of the speed of European integration. Combining Eurobarometer data for 27 societies with measures for social acceleration and time horizons, the results show distinct patterns for the perception and preferences of European integration. Whereas I find no connection between dimensions of social time and the perceived speed of integration, more social acceleration and cultural long-term orientation lead to a desire for a slower speed of European integration. Even when controlled for other economic and political macro-factors, temporal structures can play a key role in the evaluation of political change in European societies.
