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... represent diverse geographic, demographic, and conflict contexts, reflecting a range of perspectives and experiences of inequality, conflict, and education. Table 5 provides some descriptive figures illustrating differences in poverty, conflict events, education access and resources, and ethnicity in the study states and counties, although correlations between these indicators are not analyzed. Detailed descriptions of the research sites are located in Appendix 1. ...
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... The rest took the South Sudanese examinations. South Sudan attained its independence from the Sudan on July 9, 2011, but there are many state schools that teach foreign curricula, especially Sudanese, Ugandan and Kenyan ones (MoEST, 2016;Skårås & Breidlid, 2016;Novelli et al., 2016). The existence of the foreign-based curricula, primarily colonial one, in the country, is reminisced of Kenya's political situation of the 1960s, encapsulated by Oginga Odinga (1967), the Kenyan nationalist leader, in his autobiography-Not yet Uhuru. ...
... Thus, the actual per capita expenditure markedly plummeted to about $9.1 per child in 2017. This level of funding, most of it paid as salaries to teachers, is the lowest in the region (Novelli, et al., 2016). ...
South Sudan’s independence in July 2011 came with a euphoric promise to break with the Sudan’s culturaldomination, epitomised by the latter’s education system. Yet, despite the introduction of the national curriculum,South Sudan, as a part of the modern Sudan for decades, is struggling to rid itself of the colonial education system.This article examines the persistence of foreign education in post-independence South Sudan. The complexities ofthe foreign education are intertwined with the concurrent political and economic upheavals that have bedevilled theworld’s youngest nation. The national curriculum is encumbered by government underfunding ofeducation-associated with a poorly performing economy exacerbated by conflict. Underinvestment in education haswider implications for the provision of learning resources and teacher training. South Sudan’s continuous reliance onforeign schooling curricula implies that its education system is not yet ‘free’ and independent. Most importantly, inthe context of the renewed conflict, the lack of the national curriculum is critical for South Sudan’s nation-buildingagenda. The evidence in this article has implications for improving educational policy and practice in South Sudanand other similar post-conflict African countries.
... While conflict is widely recognised as a major barrier to equitable participation in education (Novelli et al., 2016), it is an underdeveloped area of research, with only 24 studies in this selection exploring conflict and education in the context of sub-Saharan Africa. Researchers within sub-Saharan Africa are exploring the impact of conflict on women's and children's education (Chauraya and Masakure, 2016;Ortiz-Echevarria et al., 2017), human rights violations-such as sexual violence and human trafficking-in conflict-affected areas, and conflict education to promote the Millennium Development goals (Dawo and Ongachi, 2011). ...
This report outlines key features of education research undertaken by scholars based in sub-Saharan Africa, as represented in the African Education Research Database. The database catalogues social science research with implications for education policy and practice in sub-Saharan Africa, published in reputable journals and written by at least one researcher based in the region. In exclusively cataloguing research conducted by researchers based in sub-Saharan Africa, the African Education Research Database is a unique resource for educational development research and policy in the region.
In a post-conflict society, legitimacy may take precedence over quality. School legitimacy is critical to promote social cohesion through its functions, which are described in Part II. A study in the Brčko District found that school board members prefer ethnic quotas for school board members because it ensures ethnic representation, which is critical in an ethnically mixed community, even when intergroup relations are relatively stable. The CBSG system, established in the post-conflict period, is still far from making a school board a place where deliberative democracy can be exercised. Nevertheless, the ethnically mixed membership seems to give the schools the legitimacy they need.
The American Institutes for Research (AIR) and colleagues from New York University (NYU) are studying the implementation, impact, costs, and cost-effectiveness of education interventions for forcibly displaced populations and host communities. In the first phase, the research team systematically gathered, collated, and synthesized evidence on what works to support education for forcibly displaced people and to include them in national education systems. The evidence comes
from a wide range of displacement contexts, ranging from acute to protracted crises. To be included in the evidence synthesis, articles had to consist of primary
research; include relevant populations, interventions, comparisons, and outcomes (PICO criteria); and meet minimum thresholds for research quality.
Our synthesis included 32 experimental and quasi-experimental studies, 14 studies with information on costs, and 202 qualitative studies completed since
2015 that focus on education in forced displacement contexts. We excluded meta-analyses and other reviews but conducted our own meta-analyses based
on the individual studies.
