Table 2 - uploaded by Yuval Feinstein
Content may be subject to copyright.
Source publication
Why did the nation-state proliferate across the world over the past 200 years, replacing empires, kingdoms, city-states, and the like? Using a new dataset with information on 145 of today's states from 1816 to the year they achieved nation-statehood, we test key aspects of modernization, world polity, and historical institutionalist theories. Event...
Similar publications
Why do states cooperate during international financial crises? A prominent account of such phenomena is provided by the Open Economy Politics approach, which advocates a methodological reductionism that focuses on domestic interests and institutions as explanatory drivers of foreign economic policy. I argue that the appropriateness and utility of t...
For the modern man the patriarchal relation of status is by no means the dominant feature of life; but for the women on the other hand, and for the upper-middle class women especially, confined as they are by prescription and by economic circumstances to their 'domestic sphere,' this relation is the most real and most formative factor of life. (Tho...
This paper seeks to make a case for a theory of the modern state that is premised on the constituents of the state: Its citizens. The central argument is that the chimera that has been termed the "state" is, in ef-fect, primarily an institutional structure that constrains the actions and behavior of the agents that make up its core. While not dismi...
This paper examines the role of home country institutional environment as a facilitator of EMFs’ OFDI. Integrating institution based view with firm internationalization research, we argue that there are two facets of home country institutions – their supportiveness for international expansion and their unfavorableness for domestic operations – both...
Citations
... The lack of a relationship with the state among the muhajirs I interacted with is not as unusual as political theorists are primed to believe. The sudden and somewhat contingent rise of the nation-state as a political institution in the twentieth century is beginning to receive some attention among historians and historical sociologists (Li and Hicks 2016;Wimmer and Feinstein 2010). Burbank and Cooper (2010, 1) reminded readers a decade ago that "the world of nation-states we take for granted is barely sixty years old." ...
How might the ideas and practices of Global South migrants and activists inform normative frameworks and conceptual repertoires that political theorists and activists bring to bear on questions regarding justice and migration? Taking seriously the call for conceptual innovation to move beyond Eurocentrism this article builds on oral histories collected from refugees and migrants from the Tribal Areas of Pakistan to argue that the concept of haqq raises important questions about the reliance on statist justice in contemporary theorizing about migration ethics and provides insights into alternative ethical concerns. Ideas and practices of haqq foreground social relationships as well as the imbrication of responsibility and entitlement for communities and individuals. Crucially, engagement with haqq helps dislodge assumptions regarding state-enforced rights as universal vehicles of justice. Consequently, different ethical questions and imaginaries become available for consideration that resonate much beyond debates about migration.
... Education services were first provided in the late Middle Ages at the universities of Bologna and Paris. Although education during this period was devoted to the dissemination of science related to Christianity and research did not play much role in the education system, people such as Roger Bacon tried to do experimental research and transfer the results to the students in classrooms (Wimmer and Feinstein, 2010). ...
In recent years, the role of universities in the development of societies has increased. In Iran, as in other countries, universities have made changes to their programs, but it still seems they need some new policies to strengthen the impact of universities on the development of society. While explaining the reasons for the formation of existing universities at the international level, this article attempts to use the framework of Sadra's philosophy to present a new type of university called “wisdom-oriented” university. This university activates the four functions as follows: Graduate education, Development of technology and technical knowledge, Problem-solving and communicating with society (such as industry, government institutions, etc.), and Producing and disseminating of knowledge content. If the wisdom-based university is formed and institutionalized, the following characteristics could be expected: “Avoidance of particularity”, “attention to comprehensiveness and gradual shift to specialization”, “scientific moderation and attention to wisdom”, “fostering creativity, production and accumulation of knowledge content”, “duty-oriented interaction with society”, “unbounded activity”, “continuous effort to come closer to God” and “optimal use of science and technology.”
... Global cities must put their capital accumulation and growth needs first even when at odds with the national interest (Sassen 2001). After the American and French revolutions and the rise of the nation-state model and its global spread (Wimmer and Feinstein 2010), cities became part of larger national units in much of the world. Urban residents had to increasingly plead to the national government for permission to be legal residents, and foreign-born residents had to request to be naturalized as citizens of the state in question (Ngai 2004;Weil 2008). ...
Cities and migration are deeply intertwined. In this chapter, we provide a longue-durée global overview of the connection between the social processes of migration and urbanization. The chapter draws on publications from multiple disciplines. It puts contemporary discussions about migrants arriving in cities into a wide perspective and historical context. Despite panicking statements in the media, immigration is a process as old as cities themselves. The takeaway is that one cannot have healthy cities without continuous immigration. We touch upon the relationship between migration and urbanization throughout history and provide some case studies from around the world. We discuss cities as creators of a common culture and identity while acting as factories of race/ethnicity markers by creating social boundaries that exclude certain newcomers and established dwellers while including most others. The Rise of Cities, Ethnicity, and Categorical Exclusion In some ecosystems, hunter-gathering required regional nomadism. In others, it required long-distance migration, as food resources would decline because of seasonal changes. Movement was also necessary because of pressure from population growth or competition with other species and human groups. The invention of agriculture and its spread led to a large-scale process of sedentarization and, therefore, urbanization. Agriculture-understood as the intentional planting of food sources-along with raising cattle and other game husbandry, allowed for a surplus in food production. Local populations grew because it was easier to feed more people, and fewer people would die from starvation or exhaustion while looking for food sources. This growth led to additional labor for activities other than food production and preparation. In most places, this led to the construction of huts next to private or collective parcels and then to more elaborate structures adjacent to agricultural fields, motivating the creation of the first towns. In areas close to rivers, seas,
... Given the ubiquity of nation-states today, it is sometimes forgotten that nationstates began to replace dynastic monarchies, theocracies, and colonial empires only in the last two centuries (Wimmer & Feinstein, 2010). 1 In nation-states, the legitimacy of rule over a territory stems from the existence of a core community of equal citizens who identify themselves as a nation, possibly multiethnic and multireligious (Wimmer & Min, 2006). Nation-states are therefore "states of and for particular nations" (Brubaker, 1996: 79), even though not all nation-states are democratic (Wimmer & Feinstein, 2010). ...
... Given the ubiquity of nation-states today, it is sometimes forgotten that nationstates began to replace dynastic monarchies, theocracies, and colonial empires only in the last two centuries (Wimmer & Feinstein, 2010). 1 In nation-states, the legitimacy of rule over a territory stems from the existence of a core community of equal citizens who identify themselves as a nation, possibly multiethnic and multireligious (Wimmer & Min, 2006). Nation-states are therefore "states of and for particular nations" (Brubaker, 1996: 79), even though not all nation-states are democratic (Wimmer & Feinstein, 2010). ...
... Bridging the scholarship on constitutional compliance on the one side and that on nation-state formation on the other side, we theorize that nation-statehood, predicated on the existence of a strong sense of national identity, can fundamentally impact the extent of constitutional compliance of a country's government. To test our hypothesis, we use data from the CCCD and exploit the variation across countries in the timing of attainment of nation-statehood, as documented by Wimmer and Feinstein (2010). ...
We bring attention to a previously overlooked determinant of de jure-de facto constitutional gaps: a polity’s transition to a nation-state. We argue that nation-statehood, predicated on the formation of a strong sense of national identity, lowers the government’s incentive to violate constitutional provisions. To test our theory, we use a recently released longitudinal database on constitutional compliance and exploit variation in the timing of countries’ attainment of nation-statehood. Our empirical findings substantiate our hypothesis. Based on our preferred estimation approach, nation-statehood bolsters both overall constitutional compliance and constitutional compliance within the subdomains of basic rights, civil rights, and property rights & the rule of law. The estimated long-run effects of nation-statehood on constitutional compliance are considerable in size. Our analysis, thus, illuminates the foundational role of nation-statehood in fostering constitutional compliance.
... Despite numerous disagreements, there exists a shared understanding that the nation-state as the institutional embodiment of nationalist ideology is a relatively recent phenomenon of European origin, which, among other things, was associated with the expansion of state institutions, development of modern bureaucracies, and a desire for cultural homogenization. In the 19th century, nationalism established itself as an ideological framework for state-building on the European continent (Hobsbawm, 1992;Kedourie 1993), and by the second half of the 20th century, nation-states became the hegemonic form of organizing political and social life of societies across the globe (Wimmer, & Feinstein, 2010). ...
This chapter intends to survey and systematize contrasting policy responses that nation-states produce when managing migration flows and mitigating migration-related effects and challenges. From the beginning of known human history, migration has been a potent force for cultural, political, and social change, but in the last couple of centuries, cross-country migration has been taking place in a unique context, defined by the dominance of national statehood as the principle of polity organization. The ideology of nationalism treats a nation as the principal source of political legitimacy and postulates that national boundaries, notwithstanding variations in precise criteria for their delineation, should ultimately coincide with political boundaries. Consequently, various shared characteristics, such as similarities in language, history, and culture, which foster the feeling of connectedness and commonality of political fate among co-nationals, play a vital role in the delineation and maintenance of national boundaries. In this context, nation-building models and ideologies are tasked with addressing international migration as the latter inevitably affects the socio-cultural makeup of the population in destination countries (and often in countries of origin). Relying on empirical cases from both Western and non-Western countries, this chapter explores how differences in nation-building models and principles correspond to different policies toward cross-border migration and migrant populations, such as migration restrictions, the segregation of migrants and denial of naturalization, ethnic preferences in migration policies, the expectation of linguistic and cultural assimilation, or the accommodation of cultural peculiarities of migrant groups. The chapter also discusses the role of nationalism and nation-building in facilitating forced migration through population exchanges, mass deportations, and ethnic cleansing. Finally, the chapter addresses cases in which sustained migration flows can sometimes turn into a driving force behind the alteration of fundamental nation-building principles in destination countries.
Keywords: international migration, nation-state, nation-building, state policies towards migration
... Now every bit of usable land belongs to one of less than two hundred nation states. Every human also, on pain of real excommunication, must belong to one of these states, each with its own school system and maintained in existence by multiple print literacy practices such as visas, identity cards and passports (Wimmer & Feinstein, 2010). ...
... Now every bit of usable land belongs to one of less than two hundred nation states. Every human also, on pain of real excommunication, must belong to one of these states, each with its own school system and maintained in existence by multiple print literacy practices such as visas, identity cards and passports (Wimmer & Feinstein, 2010). ...
... A foundational insight from the literature in comparative/historical sociology and global/transnational sociology is that the 19th-century nation-state emerged and diffused as a model in Western Europe and North America [Anderson 2006;Gellner 1983;Meyer 1999] and became globalized in the latter half of the 20th century [Meyer et al. 1997;Wimmer and Feinstein 2010]. Yet, the theoretical treatment of education between the subfields is distinct. ...
... Over the course of the last two centuries, the nation-state came to the fore as the predominant form of political organization: first across Western Europe and North America [ Thomas and Meyer 1984] and later around the globe [Wimmer and Feinstein 2010;Meyer et al. 1997]. Since the emergence of the nation-state, national education systems were one of its defining features [Soysal and Strang 1989]. ...
... This form of political organization then culturally operated as a blueprint of successful mobilization for other states to adopt through official programmes of nationalism. Wimmer and Feinstein [2010] also argue that diffusion of the nation-state model was a process of intra-empire learning, where successful nationalist movements were more easily imitated and mutually supported within the common political and cultural framing of empire and the immediate regional "neighbourhood" of states. ...
Until the 19th century, the UK state stayed out of education. Only in 1833 would Parliament first pass an act that subsidized education for the poor. By 1914, 160 education acts had been passed, consolidating into the state schooling system we recognize today. This paper seeks to explain this remarkable progression. I argue that the emergence of social-knowledge institutions across the West was a powerful force of cultural construction. What I term social scientization, this process was multidimensional and translocal, entailing the elaboration, reification, and diffusion of functionalist theories of the nation-state that centered national education as means to greater cultural rationalization. Longitudinal analyses on comprehensive population data comprising over 10,100 UK parliamentary acts support the core historical insight of this piece: increasingly routine and aggressive forms of state intervention in education were the progressive instantiation of the 19th-century nation-state model, which was fundamentally epistemic in character and inextricably linked to the expansive cultural content of the ascendant social sciences.
... This fuels tensions in heterogeneous societies where high degrees of ethnic, linguistic, or other forms of diversity are present. Scholars often tend to analyze nation-building discrepancies through an inclusion/exclusion binary (Wimmer 2010). In contrast, we adhere to Mylonas's (2012) argument that nation-building policies must be viewed as more than dichotomous conceptualizations such as "inclusion/exclusion" or "violent/nonviolent." ...
In the last half a century, the search for a Bangladeshi national identity has been driven and contested by different forces and political imageries. This paper looks at the interrelations between nation-building policies and social-movement activism. Since its independence in 1971, the country has been caught up in debates surrounding Bengali, Bangladeshi, and Muslim identities and activism in its nation-building process, leading to multiple exclusions along ethnic, religious, gender, and class lines. Identity formation in postcolonial society has mainly relied on constructing majority populations with shared commonalities, such as religion, language, heritage, or social traditions. We show how state initiatives in crafting a so-called natural identity and homogeneity in the name of nation-building have turned into counterproductive and politically profit-oriented projects, masking inequalities and persecution. We propose that achieving a sophisticated understanding of the nation-building process requires paying attention to the causes, outcomes, and influences of social and political movements. We also posit that nation-building is a protracted process of political integration that often remains unfinished, even decades after a nation has gained its independence.
... The decolonization of the world in the last half of the 18 th century and the start of the 19th century increased the number of nation-states on the world map. American and French states assured the right to rule the state and the fundamental rights of the public under a written constitution (Feinsteina, 2010). ...
A major feature that has come to characterize modern India is its hyper-nationalism, which has had a significant effect on Jammu and Kashmir. The purpose of this study is to draw attention to the BJP's extreme nationalism in relation to Jammu and Kashmir. Following its confidence-boosting victories in the 2009 and 2014 elections, the Bharti Janta Party formed a government in the Centre and revoked Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, ending the Kashmir Valley's autonomous status. This was followed by an indefinite curfew in the valley. This study examined the constitutional measures that the Indian government has implemented to integrate Kashmir into the Indian Union. The ideology of hyper-nationalism has had a significant influence on a number of Kashmir-related issues. This study used both historical and descriptive research methods, supporting its conclusions with primary and secondary data.
