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Comparisons of Asexual and Sexual People on Predictor Variables 

Comparisons of Asexual and Sexual People on Predictor Variables 

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I used data from a national probability sample (N > 18,000) of British residents to investigate asexuality, defined as having no sexual attraction to a partner of either sex. Approximately 1% (n = 195) of the sample indicated they were asexual. A number of factors were related to asexuality, including gender (i.e., more women than men), short statu...

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... shown in Table 1, relative to sexual people, asexual peo- ple had fewer sexual partners, had a later onset of sexual activity (if it occurred), and had less frequent sexual activi- ty with a partner currently. Overall, then, asexual people had less sexual experience with sexual partners, and this fact provides some validation of the concept of asexuality. ...
Context 2
... also shown in Table 1, some significant relationships occurred between asexuality and the demographics. Contrary to prediction, asexual people were not younger than sexual people; in fact, they were somewhat older. ...

Citations

... Las personas que se identifican como lesbianas, gays o heterosexuales se caracterizan por ser monosexuales; o sea, que tienden a sentir atracción emocional, romántica, sexual y/o espiritual hacia personas de un solo género o sexo biológico (Green, 2019). Las personas que se identifican como asexuales son aquellas que tienen ausencia o poca atracción sexual hacia otras personas (Bogaert, 2004). En cambio, la plurisexualidad es sentir atracción emocional, romántica, sexual y/o espiritual hacia más de un género o sexo biológico; esto incluye a las personas que se identifican como bisexual, pansexual, cuir (queer), fluido, omnisexual, ambisexual, polisexual, entre otras (Green, 2019). ...
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El concepto y la definición de bisexualidad es tema de debate que, a su vez, ha sido poco investigado. Estudios internacionales han encontrado que el número de investigaciones, en comparación con otros grupos de otras orientaciones sexuales, han sido significativamente menores. A tales efectos, el propósito de esta investigación fue llevar a cabo una revisión sobre las investigaciones que se han realizado en Puerto Rico con personas bisexuales. Se llevó a cabo una revisión de literatura de tipo bibliográfica/descriptiva. La búsqueda fue en línea, y se limitó al período del 2000 al 2020. La pregunta que guió nuestro estudio fue: ¿Qué datos tenemos en la disciplina de la psicología sobre las comunidades bisexuales? Se encontraron tres categorías principales en las cuales se pueden agrupar los trabajos encontrados: identidad sexual, calidad de vida y experiencias de vida. Se discuten recomendaciones para mejorar la investigación con la comunidad bisexual en proyectos futuros. __________________________________________________________________________________________ The concept and definition of bisexuality is a subject of debate that, in turn, has been little researched. International studies have found that the number of investigations has been significantly lower than in other sexual diversity groups. To this end, the purpose of this research was to conduct a review of the research that has been conducted in Puerto Rico with bisexual persons. A bibliographic/descriptive literature review was carried out. The search was online and was limited to the period from 2000 to 2020. The question that guided our study was: What data do we have in the discipline of psychology about bisexual communities? We found three main categories into which the papers found can be grouped: sexual identity, quality of life, and life experiences. Recommendations for improving research on the bisexual community in future projects are discussed.
... Asexuality is broadly defined as a quality whereby people experience little or no sexual attraction (Bogaert, 2004(Bogaert, , 2006Brotto et al., 2015;Hinderliter, 2009). "Asexual" is deemed an umbrella term that includes a continuum of identities and degrees of asexual identification, including gray-sexual (i.e., people who experience sexual attraction that falls somewhere between sexual and asexual), pansexual (i.e., people who experience sexual attraction regardless of the partner's sex or gender identity), or demi-sexual (i.e., people who experience sexual attraction only after a deeper emotional bond has been established) (Carrigan, 2011;Van Houdenhove et al., 2015). ...
... Previous studies have revealed that the prevalence of asexuality ranges from 0.4 to 3.3% (Bogaert, 2004;Greaves et al., 2017). Given its large population size, China may have a large number of asexual individuals. ...
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This study examined the association between sexual minority identity and mental health among Chinese asexual individuals. Data were collected in two waves at 12-months intervals, and 156 participants (27 male and 129 female) completed measures of the Asexuality Identification Scale (AIS) and Depression Anxiety Stress Scales at Times 1 and 2. The adjusted version of the Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Identity Scale was assessed at Time 1. Participants self-reported as asexual/gray-sexual and pansexual/demi-sexual, and those having an AIS ≥ 40 were classified as being on the asexuality spectrum. Compared with a control sample of lesbian and gay individuals (521 gay and 216 lesbian individuals), asexual individuals reported poorer mental health. Self-reported non-asexual individuals on the asexuality spectrum had a negative minority identity and poorer mental health than self-reported asexual individuals. Participants who changed their asexual orientation scored higher on internalized asexuality-phobia and identity uncertainty than participants maintaining an asexual orientation. At Time 1, acceptance concern, difficult process, and identity uncertainty were associated with poorer mental health. A difficult process was longitudinally associated with poorer mental health. The findings indicate that minority stress was partially related to asexual people’s mental health and, for this reason, more asexuality-specific factors should be explored.
... Acquiring data on asexual individuals can be challenging. Of the small number of nationally-represented samples in other countries that exist, about 1% of respondents identify as asexual (see Bogaert 2004 for the United Kingdom; and Richters el al., 2014 for Australia). In the United States, one national sample that only indirectly identified potential asexual individuals had a similar estimate (Poston & Baumle, 2010). ...
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This research compares the relationship experiences, beliefs, and intentions related to love and romantic relationships of 75 individuals who indicated they were asexual (from a sample of 2,665 young adults) with subsamples of individuals who indicated they were either heterosexual, bisexual, or gay/lesbian. Identifying as asexual generally associated with having generally less-romantic beliefs and less interest in marriage and parenthood. The asexual group also tended to have more in common with other sexual minority groups than with the heterosexual group. Multivariate analyses revealed that asexuality was especially associated with being single and with seeing oneself living with one’s parents after college.
... More research with the full spectrum of sexualities for comparison is needed to give more accurate depictions of infidelity concerns amongst sexual orientations and sexes. For instance, asexual individuals generally do not experience sexual attraction or desire for sexual intercourse (Bogaert, 2004;Brotto & Yule, 2017), and most asexuals are in relationships with non-asexual individuals (Weis et al., 2021). Investigating asexuals' perceptions of and reactions to emotional and sexual infidelity would enrich our understanding of the relevance of courtship, monogamy, commitment, intimacy, affectionate behavior (e.g., holding hands, kissing; Gulledge et al., 2004), and love within relationships in which those attributes are not an outcome of sexual attraction or reducible to sexual intercourse. ...
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Lesbians are unlikely to ask if it is possible for women and women to be friends. Bisexuals have friends of each sex. It seems that it is primarily heterosexuals who have trouble with sex-of-attraction friendships. This study examined how participants perceived the emotional and sexual infidelity of their partner's relationship with a friend differing across sexuality and biological sex. Our participants consisted of a combined sample across two studies (n = 532), participants completed measures of their perceived emotional and sexual infidelity towards 10 controlled behaviors that their partners committed with the partner's friends. The data revealed that participants were more concerned with perceived emotional infidelity with sex(es)-of-attraction friends as a function of participants' sexual orientation, sex, and their lover's sexual orientation. Our evidence shows that when in relationships, people feel most threatened by the friend of the partner who possesses the same biological machinery as them. Furthermore, results suggest that people are also more likely to be threatened by their partner's friend, who may have a mutual attraction towards their partner. The effect of the same biological machinery and the mutual attraction on perceived infidelity is additive. The pattern is seen across heterosexual, homosexual, and bisexual relationships.
... Some of these studies focus on the prevalence of asexuality. For instance, demographic studies estimate that 1% or more of the population meet criteria for asexuality (Bogaert, 2004;Poston & Baumle, 2010). Other legitimizing research on asexuality aims to de-pathologize it (Rothblum et al., 2019). ...
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In this chapter on sexuality, we examine three foundational postulations from queer theory. The first postulation is that the historical construction of sexuality, and same-sex desire in particular, tends to be based on binary thinking that positions same-sex desire as either universal (a “universalizing” view of same-sex sexuality) or as a disposition common to a minority of the population (a “minoritizing” view of same-sex sexuality). In contrast, queer theory moves away from a binary view of sexuality to conceptualize it as fluid. The second postulation is that people’s sexuality is shaped by interlocking forms of oppression such as colonialism, racism, sexism, and class oppression. The intersections of interlocking forms of oppression configure sexual identities and desires in unique ways. The third postulation is the rejection of a hierarchy of sexual practices and a focus on the proliferation of sexual categories to disrupt that hierarchy. We juxtapose these three key ideas with a review of critical psychology research, showing how psychological studies moved from a universalizing to a minoritizing view of same-sex desire, with a recent turn back towards the universalizing approach. We describe psychological contributions on the manner in which LGBTQ identities are different among people of color compared to white people as well as research that examines the influence of neoliberal ideology on sexual agency. We explore recent psychological studies related to BDSM and kink, polyamory, and asexuality. Assessing the convergence and divergence between psychology and queer thought leads us to critique the notion that a proliferation of sexual identities is necessarily libratory; instead, we argue for a more intersectional approach to sexual identities.
... In our study, 1.1% of participants reported not having felt sexual attraction before, whereas 4.5% do not feel sexual attraction, but have felt before. In 2004, the first study on the subject found that approximately 1% of British residents reported never having felt sexually attracted to anyone 33 . Estimates between 0.4 and 0.9% were observed in other studies [34][35][36] . ...
... Whether solely current or long-lasting, asexuality should be considered in its full diversity. Significantly more women than men report absence of sexual attraction in the present study, and asexual women are older than asexual men, which is also found in other studies 33,37 . In a study in Britain, however, asexuality was not associated with gender or age 34 . ...
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Asexual, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans (ALGBT) individuals face worse life conditions and violence rates than their heterosexual cisgender counterparts. Brazil is often highlighted for having one of the highest rates of hate-related homicides against ALGBTs in the world. However, to date, Brazil’s ALGBT population has not been investigated with a representative sample, and basic information such as population size or sociodemographic characteristics are mostly based in non-systematic data. We aimed to assess the proportion of asexual, lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and non-binary adults in Brazil, their sociodemographic characteristics, and self-reported violence rates. In 2018, a sample (n = 6000) of the Brazilian adult population answered a face-to-face survey assessing sociodemographic characteristics, gender identity, sexual orientation, and self-reported psychological, physical, verbal, and sexual violence. Among Brazilian adults, 12.04% are ALGBT: 5.76% asexual, 0.93% lesbian, 1.37% gay, 2.12% bisexual, 0.68 trans, and 1.18% non-binary. Compared to heterosexual cisgender men, most ALGBT individuals have worse socioeconomic indicators and higher rates of self-reported psychological and verbal violence. All ALGBT groups and heterosexual cisgender women reported sexual violence more often than heterosexual cisgender men. It was reported between 4 up to 25 times more often by heterosexual cisgender women and trans individuals, respectively. The rates of the other ALGBT groups sit among the two. Our findings provide evidence of the important size of the ALGBT Brazilian population, as well as their socioeconomic vulnerability, and concerning violence levels experienced by the group. Policy makers may refer to the present article in order to mitigate this population’s vulnerability and to better understand its sociodemographic characteristics.
... Some of these studies focus on the prevalence of asexuality. For instance, demographic studies estimate that 1% or more of the population meet criteria for asexuality (Bogaert, 2004;Poston & Baumle, 2010). Other legitimizing research on asexuality aims to de-pathologize it . ...
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In this concluding chapter we discuss some of the insights gained from juxtaposing three eclectic fields of knowledge: queer studies, transgender theory, and psychological research. Because the queer and transgender projects are political projects, in this conclusion we focus on understanding the processes that may lead to fragmentation within the queer and transgender movement as well as processes that are associated with continued solidarity activism among an increasing number of queer and transgender identities. To examine processes of intragroup conflict and solidarity activism we juxtapose research in social psychology, Black psychology, and contributions by queer thinkers in promoting community norms that support activism, dialogue, and solidarity.
... Asexuality is considered a valid sexual orientation (Brotto & Yule, 2017), and asexual people experience a wealth of richly heterogeneous relationship experiences (e.g., Haefner, 2012). Bogaert (2004) first used the term asexuality to describe someone who did not experience sexual attraction, and asexuality is now conceptualized as a spectrum or an "umbrella" term (Carrigan, 2011;Przybylo, 2016). The asexuality spectrum includes identities such as gray-A (a person whose experience of sexual attraction falls between asexual and sexual), demisexual (a person who only experiences sexual attraction after forming a deep, emotional bond), and A-fluid identities (a person whose experience of sexual attraction is fluid; Carrigan, 2011;Przybylo, 2016). ...
... Previous research comparing allosexual and asexual adults has examined physiological characteristics (Bogaert, 2004(Bogaert, , 2015 and psychological measures (Borgogna et al., 2019;Carvalho et al., 2017). Additionally, researchers examining solely asexual samples have studied romantic relationship navigation (Carrigan, 2012;Haefner, 2012;Scherrer, 2010), coming-out (Robbins et al., 2016;Van Houdenhove et al., 2015b), and sexual experiences (Carrigan, 2012;Dawson et al., 2016;Prause & Graham, 2007). ...
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Sexual and romantic orientations are often considered one and the same, and attitudes about engaging in sexual behavior are assumed to be predominantly positive. The current study explored the concordance between sexual and romantic orientations among allosexual and asexual adults as well as the frequency with which they identify as having a sex-positive, sex-neutral, or sex-averse attitude. As expected, allosexual adults were largely sex-positive (82%) and almost all (89%) had a romantic orientation that matched their sexual orientation. In contrast, we found that only 37% of asexual adults had concordant sexual and romantic orientations and that most asexual adults self-identify as either sex-neutral (41%) or sex-averse (54%). Further, we used a semantic differential task to assess sexual intimacy attitudes and how they varied for adults based on sexual attitude. Asexual adults, regardless of sexual attitude, had less positive attitudes overall than allosexual adults. Interestingly, aromantic asexual adults did not have more negative attitudes about sexual intimacy than romantic asexual participants. Although asexual adults held less positive attitudes about sex than allosexual adults, there was considerable heterogeneity within our asexual sample. The current study provides further insight into the concordance between romantic and sexual orientation, and the associations among sexual and intimacy attitudes for both allosexual and asexual adults. These findings will have implications for future research on how asexual adults navigate romantic relationships.
... While sexual orientation is a social construct, it plays a pivotal role in our changing social, political, and cultural understanding with effects on material realities. Beginning in the early 2000s, academic researchers' interest in understanding asexuality as an identity and sexual orientation began to increase (Bogaert, 2004(Bogaert, , 2006). An increase in peer-reviewed publications has made asexuality research an emerging area in sexuality literature in the past two decades. ...
... Additionally, we found that many of included studies published between 2004-2016 took a psychological disciplinary approach to the study of asexuality, which may have impacted the process of data collection and reporting (Bogaert, 2004;Prause & Graham, 2007;Yule, 2013;Yule et al., 2014a). Specifically, these studies seemed to seek out objective truths about asexuality, including psychological roots and characteristics of asexuality. ...
... 245). The quantitative studies included a combination of convenience sampling online (Brotto & Yule, 2011;Brotto et al., 2015;Yule et al., 2014a) and secondary analysis of population data (Bogaert, 2004;Greaves et al., 2017aGreaves et al., , 2017bHuang et al., 2014;Lippa, 2017). A notable pattern throughout the literature was that a large number of studies used convenience sampling through AVEN (n = 27) to recruit participants in combination with in-person flyers and social media. ...
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Research on asexuality as a part of the experience of human sexuality has increased over the last two decades. However, there has not yet been a systematic review of the extant literature on asexuality. This paper aims to provide a systematic scoping review of literature on asexuality with articles published in 2004 through August 2021. After a systematic search procedure, 48 studies were included. A codebook was developed to extract broad information about the literature on asexuality, including sampling techniques, research participant sociodemographics, and conceptualization of asexuality. Results of the review indicate that the research is currently split between qualitative and quantitative methods. The literature primarily relied on convenience sampling within asexual online communities. The primary online community was Asexual Visibility and Education Network (AVEN), which may have contributed to the majority of participants being White, presumptively cisgender, women between the ages of 20–30. Analysis of the overall literature scope demonstrates no support for asexuality as a medical condition (i.e., a disorder requiring treatment) and instead supports the need to recognize asexuality as a complex identity and sexual orientation. Implications for research are discussed, such as the need for additional research on the topic of human sexuality that includes asexuality as a sexual orientation as well as the need for more intersectional research within the literature.
... There has been an increased interest in the study of asexuality over the last 15+ years, along with a change from a pathological to a more affirming perspective (e.g., Bogaert, 2004Bogaert, , 2006Brotto et al., 2010;de Oliveira et al., 2021;Van Houdenhove et al., 2014;Yule et al., 2017). This change is arguably linked with the increased presence of asexuality in online communities, such as the Asexual Visibility and Education Network (AVEN), and the inclusion of asexual characters in mainstream media (e.g., BoJack Horseman TV show). ...
... Asexuality was originally defined by AVEN as the absence of sexual attraction to others. This definition was used by Bogaert (2004) in his seminal work and it was widespread to the scientific (Van Houdenhove et al., 2017) and the asexual communities (Brotto et al., 2010;Jones et al., 2017;Van Houdenhove et al., 2015a, 2015b, and to the public (Bell, 2019). However, this definition does not exhaustively cover prevalent attitudes and orientations within the community (Carrigan, 2011). ...
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Asexuality is a complex construct with a considerable lack of research until recently. Building upon available findings, we examined the extent to which romantic orientation shapes individual and relationship experiences, and expectations of asexual individuals. Specifically, our research focused on the distinction between romantic asexual individuals, who experience romantic attraction, and aromantic asexual individuals, who do not experience romantic attraction. A cross-sectional study with members of different asexual online communities (N = 447, 55.02% women; Mage = 24.77 years, SD = 7.21) aimed at examining how both groups differ in their identification with the asexuality construct as measured by the Asexuality Identification Scale (Yule et al., 2017), individual perspectives on sexuality, sexual behavior and relationships, concerns about commitment and sexual performance in a relationship, and attachment style. Results showed that aromantic asexual individuals identified more with asexuality, reported a more avoidant attachment style, and were more concerned with relationship commitment. In contrast, romantic asexual individuals reported less sex aversion, more sexual experiences (both past and current), and more sexual partners in the past. These individuals also engaged in romantic relationships more frequently in the past, had a stronger desire to engage in a romantic relationship in future (either with or without sexual intimacy), and were more concerned with sexual performance. Overall, our findings contribute to the literature by highlighting the need to consider romantic orientation when examining asexuality and its interpersonal outcomes.