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This study demonstrates how interpretive feedback functions as an intervening mechanism during policy implementation that helps explain variation in subnational climate policy entrenchment. We examine three interrelated climate policy processes in Ontario, Canada from 2001–2018: a coal phase-out (2001–2014), the feed-in-tarriff (FIT) program for re...
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... example, attempts to decarbonize a jurisdiction's energy mix through a renewable portfolio standard can draw voters' attention to alternative energy producers' market share, encouraging jurisdictions to abandon nuclear energy ( Schmid et al. 2019). Table 1 summarizes how material benefits and costs can shape coalitions in support of or in opposition to climate policies. ...Citations
... Understanding common factors that affect socio-political acceptance helps us to recognize what needs to be prioritized by policymakers. Without this prioritization (and more general respect for socio-political acceptance), research has shown that -despite the technical and economic advantages of clean energy -long-term political viability may be threatened (Millar et al., 2021;Walker et al., 2018). Still, and while our research is set within a normative assumption that offshore wind energy will help us to mitigate climate change, we recognize and apply the criticisms of social acceptance research approaches -namely that opposition is not born out of misinformation, and that the purpose of social acceptance research is not to find ways to overcome opposition (Aitken, 2010). ...
... Analyzing public comments has been shown to be an effective way to measure the socio-political acceptance of climate and clean energy initiatives (see Bailey & Darkal, 2017;Walker, 2020) This research is timely, as federal and provincial governments are developing the necessary policy changes, and municipal government may soon be engaged and involved in more local planning processes. This kind of research is also important as without a recognition and prioritization of social acceptance, the political viability of clean energy initiatives -such as offshore wind energy -can be threatened (Millar et al., 2021;Walker et al., 2022). ...
Centered around concerns of climate change, energy security, and the need for low-cost clean electricity, many jurisdictions that have access to maritime areas are developing offshore wind energy. The province of Nova Scotia, Canada – home to some of the strongest offshore wind resources in the world – is one such place. Yet before development, governments need to listen, understand, and respond to the views of a diverse set of stakeholders, and affected publics. Using online and in-person open house comments, this exploratory study was conducted to determine the level and type of socio-political acceptance during the initial planning stages of offshore wind energy in Nova Scotia. Content analysis revealed that many people who participated in these consultations were initially ambivalent/unclear (with more opposed than supportive) – with regard to offshore wind energy. Consultees most opposed were Indigenous peoples/representatives, members of the general public, and Non-Government Organizations (NGOs). Thematic analysis identified six main themes, with the most referenced being concerns around biodiversity impacts and general environmental concerns. We close the paper with a discussion of the broader implications of our work, including relevance to future research, planning, and policy.
... While scholars across various policy fields have endeavoured to investigate the impact of negative feedback in their respective areas (Fernández and Jaime-Castillo 2013;Jordan and Matt 2014;Millar et al. 2021;Skogstad 2017), those focusing on childcare policies have yet to fully recognise the role of negative feedback in facilitating institutional change. ...
The debate surrounding policy feedback and policy developments has long revolved around self-reinforcing (positive) policy feedback. Recently, the literature has been enriched by a new research agenda that highlights the role of self-undermining (negative) policy feedback, which is also argued to significantly influence the evolution of policies. This study contributes to the existing literature by examining changes in childcare policy, a field that has thus far primarily analysed and emphasised positive policy feedback. By analysing the case of South Korea, we demonstrate that childcare policy is a good candidate for both positive and negative policy feedback. Furthermore, it is the combination of these pieces of feedback that determines the evolution of childcare policy. Additionally, this study illustrates that inadequately addressed negative feedback may lead to unforeseen policy shifts, as exemplified in the Korean case by the introduction of the cash-for-care policy.
... Segatto 2017; Yan et al. 2023), the environment (e.g. Jones 2014; Millar et al. 2021), migration and migrant integration (Wolffhardt et al. 2019;Yilmaz et al. 2023) and social policy (e.g. Niedzwiecki 2018;Tillin 2022). ...
This article focuses on the development and use of indicators for subnational comparative policy analysis. Taking migrant integration as an exemplary case, it offers a comprehensive and critical examination of the research process involved in creating and implementing indicators to compare policies at the subnational level. At the intersection of subnational comparative policy analysis and migration research, this article discusses the main methodological and empirical challenges to this process based on the experience of a comparative research project on measuring regional governance of migrant integration in 25 regions across 7 European countries.
... 52 Instead of viewing these processes as conditions for change, they can be treated, following a 'forward reasoning' and post-Newtonian epistemological position, as dynamic and able to create positive or reinforcing feedbacks (or, conversely, undermining feedbacks), scaling, or catalytic change, including across subsystems. 53 The substantive focus for such research might be a suite of policies or interventions to change an energy system (e.g. renewable energy policies and investments, phasing out coal, smart grids), shift incentives in the market through disclosure or a carbon market, or target a city or other jurisdiction to change practices and investments, toward decarbonization. ...
‘Change’ or ‘transformation’ are longstanding preoccupations of both International Relations (IR) and global climate change politics scholarship. Yet, the two fields largely occupy independent axiological, epistemological, normative, and ontological spaces that have led to misunderstandings, mutual criticisms, and a lack of serious engagement on these questions. The result is missed opportunities to transform IR, misdiagnoses of political dynamics of climate change, and, perversely, the limited influence of political analysis on wider climate change scholarship. This article identifies understandings of change and transformation relevant to both fields and introduces a productive epistemological and ontological shift for analyzing and normatively engaging with change in the face of uncertainty. It then introduces practical research strategies for policy-relevant and forward-looking scholarship that moves from explaining change to identifying causal logics and dynamic processes that can reinforce (or undermine) change and transformation. It concludes with illustrative analyzes of trajectories and possible limits of two macro policy changes with transformative potential: the 1.5-degree Celsius aspirational target in the Paris Agreement, and the proliferation of ‘net zero’ policies around the world.
... These perceptions, in turn, can affect the durability of policies over time. Studying three climate policy processes in Ontario, Canada, Millar et al. (2021) found that framing significantly influenced the long-term prospects of these policies. In the case of a coal phase-out program, advocates emphasized the health and climate benefits, leading to selfreinforcing feedback. ...
The United States faces multiple political challenges to achieving the rapid cuts in carbon emissions called for by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Among these are the long-standing issue of partisan polarization and the newly emerging problem of climate doom and defeatism. These challenges are not only barriers to agenda-setting and enactment, but can also threaten the durability of policies over time. This study uses a survey experiment from a nationally representative sample (n = 1760) to examine the impact of partisan cues and fatalistic rhetoric on support for the climate provisions of the Inflation Reduction Act. We find that Republicans and Independents exposed to Democratic Party cues expressed less support for the IRA. We also find that Independents respondents exposed to a fatalistic message had reduced support for the IRA. These findings underscore the importance of framing in the post-enactment period and suggest that the IRA may be vulnerable to retrenchment or reversal.
... Hier zeigen Studien, dass sogenannte "push"-Maßnahmen wie Regulierungen und CO2-Steuern eher unbeliebt sind, während ‚pull' Maßnahmen wie Subventionen stärkeren Rückhalt genießen (Steg et al. 2006, Drews und Van den Bergh 2016. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird auf das Risiko von negativen Feedbackschleifen hingewiesen, etwa wenn fortwährende Diskussionen über Kosten eine politische Maßnahme unterminieren und letztlich zu ihrem Scheitern führen (Millar et al. 2021). Umgekehrt interessiert sich die klimapolitische Forschung in den letzten Jahren auch verstärkt für positive Feedbacks, die Klimapolitik langfristig verankern könnten (Jordan und Moore 2020). ...
... Auf subnationaler Ebene werden also konkrete Maßnahmen etwa zum Umbau der Energieversorgung, zur Effizienzsteigerung und Emissionsminderung umgesetzt, darüber hinaus aber auch wichtige Rahmenbedingungen, etwa in der Infrastrukturentwicklung und Stadtplanung, für andere klimarelevante Prozesse gesetzt. Damit rücken Fragen nach der Dynamik und den Auswirkungen subnationaler Klimapolitik in den Fokus , aber auch nach Partizipationschancen und Verflechtungsfallen (Radtke et al. 2018), sowie nach positiven und negativen Feedbackschleifen, die subnationale Klimapolitik befördern oder untergraben können (Millar et al. 2021). ...
Deutschland hat sich das Ziel gesetzt, bis 2045 klimaneutral zu werden. Der Weg dorthin erfordert neben technischen Innovationen und wirtschaftlichem Wandel auch eine tiefe gesellschaftliche Transformation, die existierende gesellschaftliche Konfliktlinien aktiviert und auch neue Spannungen schafft. Die Klimawende bedarf daher neben umsichtiger politischer Steuerung auch einer breiten gesellschaftlichen Beteiligung und Trägerschaft. Ausgehend von diesem Befund entwickelt die Mercator-Stiftungsprofessur für Soziologie an der Universität Hamburg Methoden zur Analyse und Synthese relevanter gesellschaftlicher Prozesse, um abschätzen zu können, inwieweit die tiefe und schnelle Dekarbonisierung der deutschen Gesellschaft nicht nur technisch und ökonomisch machbar, sondern auch sozial und politisch plausibel ist. Dazu wird eine jährliche Studie erstellt, die den Fokus auf jeweils neue gesellschaftliche Treiber der Klimawende legt. Förderung durch die Stiftung Mercator Die Professur und der Klimawende Ausblick werden durch die Stiftung Mercator gefördert. Die Stiftung Mer-cator ist eine private, unabhängige und gemeinnützige Stiftung, die auf der Grundlage wissenschaftlicher Expertise und praktischer Projekterfahrung handelt. Seit 1996 tritt sie für eine solidarische und partizipative Gesellschaft ein. Dazu fördert und entwickelt sie Projekte, die Chancen auf Teilhabe und den Zusammenhalt in einem diverser werdenden Gemeinwesen verbessern. Die Stiftung Mercator setzt sich für ein weltoffenes, demokratisches Europa ein, eine an den Grundrechten orientierte digitale Transformation von Staat und Gesellschaft sowie einen sozial gerechten Klimaschutz. Die Stiftung Mercator engagiert sich in Deutschland, Europa und weltweit. Dem Ruhrgebiet, Heimat der Stifterfamilie und Stiftungssitz, fühlt sie sich besonders verbunden. Das Exzellenzcluster Klima, Klimawandel, und Gesellschaft Im Exzellenzcluster CLICCS (Climate, Climatic Change and Society) haben sich Forscherinnen und Forscher verschiedenster Disziplinen zusammengeschlossen, um zu untersuchen, wie sich Klima und Gesellschaft gemeinsam entwickeln. Das CLICCS-Programm wird durch das Zentrum für Erdsystemforschung und Nachhaltigkeit (CEN) der Universität Hamburg in enger Zusammenarbeit mit mehreren Partnerinstitutionen koordi-niert und von der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) gefördert (EXC 2037 "CLICCS-Climate, Climatic Change, and Society"-Projektnummer: 390683824).
... Moreover, self-reinforcing processes have been shown to contribute to successful innovation ecosystems (do Vale, 2021;Wang, 2021). Likewise in political science, self-reinforcing feedback mechanisms have been shown to be key during policy implementation as they can affect the durability of those policies (Millar et al., 2021;Patashnik and Weaver, 2021). A self-reinforcing cooperation mechanism can explain the long-term economic and organizational successes of industrial parks (Lefdal and Eriksen, 2017); the success of all the companies in the industrial park was due to a shared geographical location and aspiration to achieve circular economics combined with effective logistics, legitimacy, and reciprocity. ...
... This involves the information and meaning that policy conveys for different actors (Pierson 1993). For example, it can include the visibility of costs and beliefs about who is responsible (Pierson 1993) and how a policy is framed in relation to other issues of concern (Millar et al. 2021). Populism scholars highlight interpretive aspects differently when they observe symbolic meanings of climate policy in ideological terms (Lockwood 2018). ...
Hard climate policy (e.g., regulation, taxes/pricing, phaseouts) is needed to meet ambitious climate targets, but when such policy is introduced, it can sometimes trigger backlash. Backlash involves an abrupt and forceful negative reaction by a significant number of actors seeking to reverse a policy, often through extraordinary means that transgress established procedures and norms. Yet, explanations of policy backlash remain nascent and fragmented. I synthesize insights from within and beyond climate politics to argue that contested legitimacy is central to climate policy backlash, which provokes attempts toward delegitimation. I develop a conceptual pathway to explain the occurrence of climate policy backlash and generate hypotheses about how practices of delegitimation occur in backlash, and their effects. This contributes to explaining why backlash occurs, highlighting ideational factors alongside interests and institutions. Overall, I suggest the need for a contextually embedded approach to understanding the volatile dynamics of backlash, bringing political sociology into conversation with political economy.
... While the worst of climate change will often be felt far away from CE projects (in the global north in particular), we do not see how these effects are impacted by local communities having more decision-making ability (procedural justice) or financial benefits (distributive justice). In fact, some have recently argued that when local energy injustice leads to high levels of opposition to specific projects, 16 entire policy programs and developments therein may be threatened [133,134], which reduces our ability to fight climate change and leaves many of the most vulnerable at the mercy of an increasingly warming planet. Just because projects may represent a renewable or clean energy transition, does not mean we should turn a blind eye to issues of autonomy and environmental justice [35]. ...
Following its growing popularity in practice, social scientists have turned their attention to a greater understanding of community energy (CE). Beginning with Walker and Devine-Wright's 2008 framework, researchers have consistently been critical about the use of the term – especially when doing so to further powerful, non-local interests. Unpacking what the ‘community’ in CE means has been of particular interest and a few recent studies have shown that different sets of outcomes largely depend on what definition is used. At the same time, many in this literature have pointed to the value of geographic concepts – for example, characterizing communities as either Communities of Place (COPs) or Communities of Interest (COIs). Yet these two characterizations have largely remained in the background, rather than the focus, of CE studies. Here, we attempt to add conceptual clarity to the term CE by tracing the benefits of COP, COI, and hybrid-based (i.e. a combination) projects. We do so through a qualitative content analysis of 133 research articles from more than 30 countries published from 2010 to 2020. The benefits of COP-based CE (i.e. greater social acceptance, creating ‘energy citizens’) are mostly associated with popular descriptions of CE, while the benefits of COI-based CE were cited as those that address the perceived shortcomings of COP-based CE. Finally, it might be the hybrid approach that can effectively marry both COPs and COIs. More specifically, we find that the order of this ‘marriage’ matters and recommend that approaches centered around Communities of Place, then Interest (COPTI) should be prioritized. The paper closes with a discussion of some possible next steps, in terms of social scientific research and the practice of CE.
... 4). Paying attention to the social and place-based context in renewable energy development is not only key to energy equity and energy justice but may also help to ensure the longevity of the policies and programs that support such development [26][27][28], given the push toward decentralization across a range of energy sectors [17,29]. Leaders from remote communities themselves are now recognizing the potential benefits [4] and increasing economic viability [5] of transitions. ...
... The first, was related to our exclusive focus on diesel-reliant communities (as of 2007, see above) within Alaska. Much of the literature on CRE identifies regulatory and policy frameworks and access to financial capital as significant barriers to renewable energy development [26][27][28], often making comparisons across geographically disparate cases difficult. The Alaska context on the other hand provides a valuable opportunity to investigate CRE, while controlling social, political, and economic factors. ...
The transition from fossil-fuel based power generation to renewable energy is well underway; however, this transition is highly uneven and not all regions and communities are engaging equally. The circumpolar north is one region where disparities in the uptake of community renewable energy (CRE) projects is evident. Many Northern, remote communities are not connected to national electricity grids and as a result, rely heavily on imported and expensive fuels for power generation. However, within this context, there are places in the US state of Alaska that have forged a leading path toward CRE. This paper investigates why some remote communities develop renewable energy projects while others do not. Using Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), we compare 24 remote communities in Alaska to identify the combination of explanatory factors that can lead to CRE. We first identified 37 potential conditions, from which we drew three primary explanatory factors: community capacity, electricity subsidies, and pooled resources. Results show the absence of large electricity subsidies is a necessary condition to the development of CRE. It also shows that the presence of subsidies (above a state-wide program) stymies transitions. We also found that particular combinations of the absence of large subsidies, community capacity, and working collaboratively to pool resources across communities, were found to be key explanatory variables in the establishment of CRE. These findings may have implications for other communities both in the Circumpolar North and elsewhere, clarifying the conditions that support CRE development.
