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Classification of "Central" and "Peripheral languages"

Classification of "Central" and "Peripheral languages"

Source publication
Thesis
Full-text available
Sizang Chin (Northern Kuki-Chin, Tibeto-Burman) is spoken in Northern Chin State, Burma/Myanmar. It exhibits a form of ablaut commonly referred to as “verb stem alternation” within the Kuki-Chin literature. In verb stem alternation, one form of a verb (Stem I) occurs in certain environments and a secondary form (Stem II) occurs in other environment...

Contexts in source publication

Context 1
... in both foreground and background information, Stem II is present in nominalized clauses, including adverbial clauses, complement clauses and applicative constructions. Table 1 The descendants of the five sons of Pu Thuantak (Naylor, 1925, p. 45)..........3 Table 2 Table 13 Tedim post-verbal agreement clitics (Henderson, 1965, pp. 109-111 While these studies offer either morphophonemic or semantic arguments based on elicited data, no previous study has examined verb stem alternation in the context of narrative discourse, which could reveal more reasons as to why verb stems alternate. ...
Context 2
... The phonological innovations which differentiate the languages in the "Peripheral" group from those in the "Central" group are summarized in Table 2 below. The Peripheral group, including "North" languages like Tedim and Sizang and "South" languages like Khumi and Asho, is established based upon the shared innovation of Proto-Kuki-Chin *r which is realized as /g/ or /ŋ/ initially and /k/ finally. ...
Context 3
... contrast, the "Central" languages maintain *r as /r/ both initially and finally. As demonstrated by the lexemes in Table 2, all lexemes with a *r onset are realized as /ɾ-/ in Falam, /ŋ-/ in Sizang, and /g-/ in Tedim. This seems to indicate that the /g/ and /ŋ/ phonemes merged into /ŋ/ in Sizang, as Tedim still distinguishes between the two sounds. ...
Context 4
... results for setting clauses are summarized in Table 20. As demonstrated in Table 20, all 51 setting information clauses within the data, whose stem type could be determined, occur with Stem II verbs. ...
Context 5
... results for setting clauses are summarized in Table 20. As demonstrated in Table 20, all 51 setting information clauses within the data, whose stem type could be determined, occur with Stem II verbs. This result is in line with the hypothesis that background information correlates with Stem II verbs. ...
Context 6
... demonstrates how kul may also appear as the only verb in a clause. The association of different collateral information types with verb stem types is presented in Table 22. ...
Context 7
... II would correlate with background information. As shown in Table 24, this hypothesis is incorrect. Stem I thus surfaces in the majority of clauses for both types of information. ...
Context 8
... constructions containing nominalized clauses or an applicative, the Stem II reflex of the verb is always the same in Sizang. By contrast, Chhangte (1993, p. 87) demonstrates that Mizo has different stems, depending on whether the verb has been nominalized or causativized, as shown in Table 25. The syllable structure of the nominalized verb stems in Table 25 always differs in coda or tone from the syllable structure of the causativized verb stem. ...
Context 9
... contrast, Chhangte (1993, p. 87) demonstrates that Mizo has different stems, depending on whether the verb has been nominalized or causativized, as shown in Table 25. The syllable structure of the nominalized verb stems in Table 25 always differs in coda or tone from the syllable structure of the causativized verb stem. There is no evidence from this corpus, however, to suggest that Sizang has a different Stem II for verbs within applicative constructions and nominalized constructions. ...

Citations

Thesis
Full-text available
Senthang (Kuki-Chin, Tibeto-Burman) is spoken in Central Chin State, Burma/Myanmar. This study aims to describe the participant reference patterns in Senthang narrative discourse. The text corpus used for analysis consists of four oral folktales containing a total of 546 clauses. Each text was recorded digitally, transcribed, glossed, translated, and then analyzed using Dooley & Levinsohn's (2001) sequential default model, which takes as its foundation Givón's (1983) concept of topic continuity. Senthang's inventory of referring expressions is found to include overt NPs, pronouns, and zero anaphora. These referring expressions have several functions on the discourse level, consisting largely in signaling the identifiability, activation status, and thematic salience of participants. Participant rank reflects a participant's global thematic salience. It is determined by adapting Givón's (1983) measurements of topic continuity. The analysis of one of the four texts demonstrates that the more linguistic material used to introduce a participant, the higher that participant’s rank. Default codings of referring expressions are determined for eight subject and non-subject contexts according to the sequential default model. However, the defaults for the two contexts immediately following reported speech are only tentative due to the paucity of their occurrence. More coding tends to occur at episode boundaries and other discontinuities, while less coding tends to occur when there is little to no semantic ambiguity in the identification of a participant. Pronouns occur only rarely in Senthang narrative discourse outside of reported speech. Within reported speech, however, they occur more frequently. Further investigation into the functions of independent pronouns both inside and outside reported speech is recommended. The findings of this study contribute to the description of Senthang, which has remained largely undescribed until recently. They are of special interest to those studying the discourse structures in other pro-drop languages--particularly to those studying other Kuki-Chin languages--as well as to those creating and/or translating materials in Senthang for the purpose of community development.