Figure 1 - uploaded by Bojan Todosijevic
Content may be subject to copyright.
Source publication
This article addresses the issue of personality vs. cultural norms with regard to two related problems: the relationship between authoritarianism and prejudice, and the empirical foundation of the concept of ethnocentrism. The analysis is based on a survey of anti-Gypsy attitudes in two Hungarian cities, Salgótarján and Sopron. A ran-dom sample of...
Context in source publication
Context 1
... last variables are included in order to control for the influence of different economic conditions in the two cities (it is held constant at the micro-level). 13 The basic results of multiple regression analyses are given in Table 6, and the models are given in Figures 1 and 2. The models are constructed by regressing each variable on all variables on its right side. ...
Similar publications
This paper aims to study the challenges to the development of intercultural communication competence from the perceptions of students of the 44th course of English Language at Hanoi Law University, to point out the problems caused by the challenges, and propose some practical strategies to improve the effectiveness of intercultural communication. T...
Citations
... In 2 Hungarian towns, ethnocentrism against Roma peo ple was measured with a general ethnocentrism scale that consisted of 14 items with questions rating how sympa thetic or antagonistic they find a specific racial (eg, Gypsies, Poles, Austrians), cultural (skinheads, homosexuals), or political (either extreme leftists or extreme rightists) group to be. 27 The study found that negative attitude toward Gypsies correlates with a general ethnocentric orientation. Among the youth, parental prejudice and authoritarianism were significant direct predictors of antiGypsy prejudice negative attitudes toward Gypsies. ...
This paper examines empathetic behavior in the United States, a strongly individualistic country, as contrasted with Hungary and Ethiopia, which are moderately individualistic and strongly collectivistic respectively. It suggests that empathy may have a wider than originally perceived application in diverse settings to combat factors of ethnic bias and discrimination that adversely impact health. Models that distinctly focus on the development of healthcare provider empathic care are needed to enable the needs of resource scarce regions of the world to be met, including pockets of the U.S. More investigation is warranted on how empathic behavior can positively impact health outcomes and disparities.
... Therefore, most studies acknowledge the importance of general tendencies towards prejudice in explaining anti-Gypsyism, such as authoritarianism (Dunbar & Simonova, 2003;Todosijevic & Enyedi, 2002), social dominance orientation (Zick, Küpper, & Hövermann, 2011), and nationalism (Csepeli, 2010). Beyond the general tendencies, there is an agreement that anti-Gypsyism contains negative stereotypes about criminality and laziness (e.g., Enyedi, Fábián, & Sik, 2004), and depicts the Roma as an incompetent and cold outgroup within the framework of the stereotype content model (e.g., Bye, Herrebrøden, Hjetland, Røyset, & Westby, 2014). ...
National and European policies aim to facilitate the integration of Roma people into mainstream society. Yet, Europe’s largest ethnic group continues to be severely discriminated. Although prejudice has been identified to be at the core of this failure, social psychological research on anti-Gypsyism remains scarce. We conducted a study in six countries using student and community samples ( N = 2,089; Hungary, Romania, Slovakia, Norway, Italy, Spain) to understand how anti-Gypsyism among majority-group members predicts unfavorable acculturation preferences toward Roma people. Openly negative stereotypes predicted acculturation preferences strongly across the countries. However, stereotypes about the Roma receiving undeserved benefits were also relevant to some degree in East-Central Europe, implying that intergroup relations are framed there as realistic conflict. Stereotypes about traditional Roma culture did not play a central role in acculturation preferences. Our findings highlighted that anti-Gypsyism may be an impediment to integration efforts, and efforts should be context-specific rather than pan-national.
... Ljujic et al. (2013) found that negative emotions toward Roma people are strongly related to economic and symbolic threat, and to nationalism among Serbian adolescents. Dunbar and Simonova (2003), and Todosijevic and Enyedi (2002) highlighted the importance of right-wing authoritarianism in predicting negative stereotypes and approval of discrimination. Surveys from Hungary and Slovakia reveal an overall high level of prejudice among the general population (e.g., Csepeli, 2010;Enyedi, Fábián, & Sik, 2004;European Commission, 2015;Ljujic et al., 2012;Vašečka, 2002), and among specific ideological (such as the extreme right, see Bernát, Juhász, Krekó, & Molnár, 2012;Halász, 2009), and professional groups (the police: ; health care professionals: Babusik, 2005; teachers: Kusá, Kostlán, & Rusnáková, 2010;Rosinský, 2009). ...
Although one of the most severe forms of bias all over Europe, anti-Roma prejudice has been neglected within social psychology. We argue that anti-Roma attitudes need to be recognized as a unique form of prejudice because (a) they reflect socially approved dominant societal norms, (b) intergroup contact increases rather than decreases prejudice, and (c) not just negative stereotyping, but also cultural distancing of Roma people is a form of social exclusion. We developed an integrative Attitudes Toward Roma Scale (ATRS) based on existing measures and theoretical assumptions about prejudice toward Roma people. We conducted a study (N = 1082) relying on student and community samples in Hungary and Slovakia. Exploratory factor analysis revealed and confirmatory factor analysis supported the structural equivalence of a three-factor solution of the16-item scale, consisting of Blatant Stereotyping, Undeserved Benefits, and Cultural Difference.
... The current study focuses on adolescents. Past research supports the importance of using an adolescent sample as ar esearch population for studying attitudes to immigrants (Torney-Purta, 2002), and historic minorities, such as the Roma people (Todosijevic &E nyedi, 2002). Basic outgroup prejudice develops at an early age, and a school may be an ideal place to assess and correct negative categorizations and their behavioral consequences (e.g. ...
Ljujic, V., Vedder, P., Dekker, H., Van Geel, M. (2012), Romaphobia among Serbian and Dutch adolescents: The role of perceived threat, nationalistic feelings, and integrative orientations, International Journal of Psychology 48 (3), 352-362. DOI:10.1080/00207594.2012.661060.
This study examines the relationships between nationalism and integration attitudes on one hand, and anti-Roma prejudice on the other. Using Stephan and Stephan's threat theory, the study analyzes whether and to what extent these relationships are mediated by perceived economic and symbolic threats. Data were collected among 16- and 17-year-old students in Serbia and The Netherlands. A path analysis shows that perceived economic and symbolic threats mediate the relationships between nationalism and integration on one hand, and Romaphobia on the other. Moreover, the findings show that these relationships are comparable between Serbian and Dutch youth. Levels of threat and Romaphobia differ between countries. Youth in the Netherlands, who barely have contact opportunities with Roma, are characterized by higher threat and Romaphobia scores than Serbian youth, who have proportionally more contact opportunities. Explanations are discussed as well as implications for theory and prejudice reduction in diverse intercultural settings.
Uvod: Zdravstveno veleučilište je jedina visokoškolska ustanova u Hrvatskoj koja od 2015., poštujući pravilo pozitivne diskriminacije, svake akademske godine omogućava upis po jednog najbolje rangiranog pripadnika romske zajednice na svaki od studijskih smjerova iz područja zdravstvenih neliječničkih profesija, zahvaljujući čemu se broj pripadnika romske manjine sa završenom najvišom razinom edukacije znatno povećava na dobrobit same zajednice, ali i društva u cjelini.Cilj i svrha rada: Svrha je rada približiti romsku problematiku prvenstveno drugim studentima pojedinih smjerova zdravstvenih profesija kako bi se dodatno povećalo razumijevanje važnosti uvedene prakse pozitivne diskriminacije i dodatno potaknulo većinsko stanovništvo na integraciju Roma u sve aspekte društva, uz uvažavanje i poticanje očuvanja posebnosti i bogatstva romske zajednice.Metode rada: U radu se na temelju korištenja sekundarnim, javno dostupnim podacima, kao i rezultatima ranije provedenih istraživanja, postupcima analize i sinteze te indukcije i dedukcije daje pregled prisutnosti Roma u Europi i u Hrvatskoj te opisuju osnovna obilježja njihova porijekla, načina života, vjeroispovijesti, jezika i kulture kroz kritički osvrt na odnos između romskih skupina, kao i odnos većinskog stanovništva prema Romima te poziciju romske nacionalne manjine između asimilacije i potpune integracije u društvo.Rezultat i diskusija: Romi su najveća etnička manjina koju čini najmanje 10 do 12 milijuna ljudi, od kojih više od šest milijuna živi na području EU-a, pretežno u zemljama geografski smještenima na teritorijima središnjih i istočnih država članica te dominantno na području Balkana. Prikaz povijesti migracije Roma prema europskom teritoriju poslužio je kao podloga za kritički osvrt na postojeće spoznaje o teritorijalnim, kulturološkim i dijalektološkim razlikama između različitih grupa Roma kako u svijetu tako i između grupa koje žive na području Hrvatske – sve od njihova dolaska do današnjih dana, s naglaskom na povijest i proces naseljavanja Rome Bajaše kao najbrojnije skupine Roma koji dominantno žive na području Međimurske županije.Zaključak: Rromanipe ili romstvo pokazuje se kao integrirajući čimbenik identiteta i očuvanja opstojnosti Roma te najvažniji čimbenik kojim se Romi opiru asimilaciji i gubitku identiteta u odnosu na većinsko stanovništvo. Očuvanjem njihova identiteta, kulture i tradicije većinsko se stanovništvo obogaćuje kroz susret i dijalog s drugim, uz poštivanje različitosti i napredak i rast svih uključenih u taj susret.
Introduction:
Stigmatization contributes to health inequalities, impacting the wellbeing of children and adolescents negatively. Addressing stigmatization requires adequate measurement. Our systematic review synthesizes the content of scales used with children and adolescents in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) across stigmas, and examines their comparability and level of cultural adaptation.
Methods:
Ten databases were systematically searched combining three sets of search terms: (i) stigma, (ii) scales, and (iii) LMICs. Studies conducted in LMICs, with a sample with mean age below 18 and reporting a minimum of one stigma scale, were eligible. We allocated scale items to four frameworks: (i) dimensions, or drivers of stigmatization; (ii) target variants, or types of stigmatization; (iii) socio-ecological levels, and (iv) cross-cultural equivalence, or scale adaptation to context/population. Based on percentages, we compared scale content per age cohort, stigma status, region, and stigma category.
Results:
Out of 14,348 records, we included 93 articles (112 scales). Most studies focused on adolescents (12-18 years). Twelve scales were used more than once, seven were used across regions, and four were employed for multiple stigmas. Physical health stigma, and HIV/AIDS-related stigma in particular, was measured most; mental health and multiple/generic stigmas least. Physical and mental health scales were generally more comprehensive, i.e., measuring more stigma facets. In general, scales consistently measured two of the 21 included stigma facets, namely the disruptiveness dimension and the community level. Cross-cultural equivalence was moderate; conceptual and measurement equivalence were high.
Discussion:
Although scales were largely comparable in how they measure stigma, they failed to reflect the complexity of the stigmatization process and fell short of existing stigma frameworks and qualitative research. Stigma research with children should work towards cross-culturally validated stigma scale sets which incorporate more facets of existing stigma frameworks, thus facilitating comparability across cultural contexts and informing intervention development and evaluation.
Ethnocentrism often serves to create perceptions of cross‐cultural difference, with resulting intercultural conflict and negative stereotypes. Researchers have studied ethnocentrism from a variety of perspectives, some of them biological, and others entailing a number of psychological variables. This chapter reviews some essential aspects of the authors' understanding of the development of ethnocentrism from different points of view. Studies investigating the psychological variables have generally been correlational in nature or have lacked sufficient experimental controls to allow causal inferences; research has nevertheless suggested a connection between ethnocentrism and authoritarianism and between ethnocentrism and fundamentalism. Cross‐cultural psychology has made attempts not only to understand the ethnocentric limits of one's cultural/scientific knowledge, but also to find ways to decrease ethnocentrism among individuals. The chapter reviews the potential effects of education and related variables on the ethnocentrism of individual people.
Ethnocentrism is the tendency of individuals to elevate their own culture as the standard against which they judge others, and to see their own as superior to others. In the nineteenth century Charles noted that tribes were more sympathetic to their own groups, first used the term ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism involves perceptions of cross-cultural difference, can underlie cultural conflict and negative stereotypes, and is probably universal among humans. Sumner, in his early work, noted numerous cultural groups (e.g., Caribs, Greenlanders, Jews, Kiowa, Lapps, Seri) that had words identifying their own groups as uniquely “people,” “chosen,” “men,” or in other ways superior.
At first sight it might seem easy to say whether any society or system, such as communism, was successful or not. But it isn?t. The chapter reviews four different types of measure that might be used to decide on success or failure: objective economic indicators (e.g. per capita gross domestic product); objective social indicators (e.g. life expectancy); psychological indicators (e.g. how satisfied with their lives people say they are); and behavioural measures (e.g. do people try to leave the society or move into it?). No measure is really sufficient for a yes/no success decision. The different measures sometimes suggest different answers. Communists might have objected to the psychological and behavioural measures anyway, because communists aimed to change human nature. Whether this change is in fact possible remains open, but certainly communist governments had limited success at doing it. Marxist theory claimed that a communist government should do better on economic measures, and here it clearly did fail.
