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Textiles formed a major part of any ancient Mesoamerican economy. Based on ethnohistory and iconography, the Maya were great producers of cloth for both internal and external use. However, the archaeological identification of textile production is difficult in any tropical area because of issues of preservation. This paper examines the evidence for...
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... households as a “conspicuous display of wealth production.” McCafferty and McCafferty (2000:44–45) also have examined differences in spinning between the Valley of Mexico and Cholula, drawing into question long-standing reconstructions by suggesting that the size and weight of spindle whorls may imply more about how the spinning was done than what was being spun. While Maya textiles likely were produced for tribute, we believe that fine cotton-textile production with nonperishable tools was pre- dominately a high-status female gendered prerogative that reinforced status distinctions and ritual associations as well as com- munity or polity identity. Iconographic details on carved stone monuments make it clear that the Maya produced fine textiles and used cloth and clothing to dis- tinguish status (e.g., Marcus 1974:90), as was the practice elsewhere in Mesoamerica (Anawalt 2000:207). Perhaps the best-known depictions of Maya cloth occur on the monuments of Yaxchilan, where textiles of exquisite detail are carved on stone (Schele and Miller 1986:198–199). The iconography, however, does not permit much insight into actual textile production. These depictions do, however, suggest the use of elaborate textiles by ancient high- status Maya women. Classic era Maya economic records are largely lacking, although recent epigraphic interpretations indicate that tribute did exist (Stuart 1998:384) and that such tribute occasionally was shown artistically through the iconographic use of cloth bundles. In fact, Rosemary Joyce (1993) has argued that Classic-period Maya ceramic figurines directly commemorated women’s labor in textile production, mirroring the importance of this effort to the Classic Maya economic and sociopolitical landscape—something only indirectly referred to through the presentation of cloth bundles. Therefore, both textile tribute and status distinctions in cloth and clothing can be inferred for the Classic-period Maya. The site of Caracol, Belize, has been the focus of long-term research by our University of Central Florida archaeological project. During the past 23 years, approximately 23 km 2 of the site have been mapped; this area comprises about 12.5% of Caracol’s total extent (estimated at 177 km 2 ; A. Chase and D. Chase 1994:5, 2001b). We have collected archaeological data from some 111 residential groups (ranging from simple looters’ clean-up to limited testing to more intensive areal clearing and tren- ching) and eight causeway termini. We have also undertaken very intensive excavation in many of the monumental buildings and complexes that make up the site’s epicenter. This has included substantial areal excavation of palaces (A. Chase and D. Chase 2001a) that has seen the almost complete clearing of Barrio (26 rooms) and Caana (72 rooms), as well as the partial clearing of the C Group, South Acropolis, and Central Acropolis (D. Chase and A. Chase 1996). As a result of this work at Caracol, a series of materials have been recovered that can be associated with textile production or elaboration. While actual cloth has been recovered inside an early cache (A. Chase and D. Chase 1995), most of the data related to textile production consist of other items—particularly, 57 specially manufactured spindle whorls, 22 bone needles, 43 pins and hairpins, 45 awls, and potentially 37 limestone bars. Most of these materials come from primary archaeological contexts. Of particular interest is the association between these items and formal burials. Thirty-eight of the 57 spindles come from 20 different interments. Thirteen additional spindle whorls can be associated with Terminal Classic de facto debris. Only six spindle whorls were recovered form fill or surface contexts (two were found on the surface, and four came from structural fill). Only three spindle whorls are not whole; an additional two are slightly chipped. Two circular items with central perforations were contextually located as part of a spinning kit (consisting of spindle whorls, a bone needle, and a perishable bowl in an epicentral tomb [see later]) and, based on their shape and weights, may be potentially identified as “spindle weights” (Figure 2m – n). Twenty-two “eyed” needles have been identified in the Caracol materials; potential shafts and tips were not counted because they could represent other artifacts. Thirteen bone needles are associated with 12 interments; in two of these interments, spindle whorls co-occur with the bone needles. Of the 37 limestone bars, eight were located in five different interments; in one interment, limestone bars and spindle whorls co-occur. The dimensions of the Caracol spindle whorls (see Table 1 [includes 2 spindle weights]) do not mirror the Mexican dichotomy of very large versus very small spindle whorls outlined by Parsons (1975) for the Valley of Mexico. Of the 57 spindle whorls recovered, the overall diameter ranges from 1.75 cm to 4.4 cm, and their weights vary from 4.0 grams to 24.6 grams (Figure 1). None of these whorls may be posited to fall within the larger class, osten- sibly used for spinning maguey in central Mexico. However, within the Caracol sample four contextual groups of spindle whorls may be tentatively defined (Table 2). Within six epicentral tombs dating to the Late Classic, 23 stone spindle whorls were recovered; they average 9.11 grams in weight and 2.31 cm in diameter; 18 of them had some form of decoration (Figure 2). Based on size and weight, these spindle whorls may correlate with the production of cotton. Whorls found in non-epicentral residential areas and on the floors of Terminal Classic palaces are larger in size, bore, and weight and suggest the possibility that other non-cotton fibers were spun, as well, by high-status individuals. Within 14 Late Classic interments (seven tombs) from the outlying residential area, 15 spindle whorls were recovered; they average 13.80 grams in weight and 2.75 cm in diameter; six of the whorls had some decoration. From Terminal Classic on-floor deposits, 13 spindle whorls (more than half ceramic) were recovered; they average 13.57 grams in weight and 2.98 cm in diameter; four show decoration (Figure 3). Of the six spindle whorls from either surface or fill, two are decorated; they average 7.18 grams in weight and 2.51 cm in diameter. Besides potentially indicating that smaller spindle whorls might more likely be lost and included in structure fill, these combined data suggest that a range of fibers may have been spun and, likely, doubled or plied to various degrees of fineness and spinning twist for multiple uses related to weaving, brocading, or other textile surface decoration. The spatial location of spindle whorls is particularly telling. More than 111 residential groups, representing a full range of status levels, have been excavated and tested. While there is a widespread distribution of spindle whorls at the site (Figure 4), the majority came from high-status contexts in the site epicenter. Twenty-one of 45 stone spindle whorls were found in four tombs on the summit of Caana; two other stone spindle whorls also derive from epicentral tombs. Thus, more than 50% of the stone spindle whorls were recovered from epicenter tombs that represent the highest stratum of Caracol’s society. Because of mixed-sex multiple burials, few unequivocal associations exist between a single adult female and one or more spindle whorls (as described later, two single individual interments associated with spindle whorls are female gendered); however, female-sexed skeletal remains were present in all multiple individual interments containing spindle whorls. Sixteen other spindle whorls derive from the epicenter, all but four being directly associated with the latest Terminal Classic use of the epicenter’s palaces. Other de facto debris suggests that the inhabitants of the Terminal Classic palace were members of Caracol’s elite. Seven of the eight ceramic spindle whorls also derive from this epicentral Terminal Classic palace floor debris; the other ceramic whorl came from a tomb located just outside the site’s epicenter. Thus, overall there is a positive correlation both of stone spindle whorls with higher-status Late Classic tombs at Caracol and of ceramic spindle whorls with Terminal Classic palace-derived trash. While upper-crust Caracole ̃os apparently used durable spindle whorls, it is probable that perishable spindle whorls were used by other social levels within Caracol. The distribution of the bone artifacts potentially associated with textile production is similarly telling, but is not as closely linked to status as stone or ceramic spindle whorls. Within the 22 securely identified bone needles from Caracol (Figure 5), two different size classes have been noted by Wendy Giddens Teeter (2001). Even though many of the bone needles are not complete, enough of them were present to see standardization in their sizes. Eight large needles average approximately 8.3 cm in length; the other 14 needles averaged 6.0 cm or less in length. The larger needles may have been used as weaving shuttles; the smaller ones likely helped to decorate textiles. Sixteen of the needles derive from tombs or burials; six of these interments are from the site’s epicenter. Bone pins (Figure 6), some of which could represent broken needle parts, and hairpins (Figure 7) cluster in and around the immediate epicenter. Pins refer to non-perforated objects with rounded ends and a usually circular cross-section that look very much like needles; they are often partial and could potentially represent reworked needles. Hairpins are also non-perforated with a circular cross-section, but they are usually longer than pins and may be decorated on their shaft (usually with hieroglyphs) or on one end (spatulate examples actually have incised scenes). Out of a sample of 47 examples, only 10 “hairpins” and 11 “pins” were found in burials at Caracol; none came from epicenteral tombs. There ...
Citations
... Long before Mexico and Central America were colonized, Mayan and Aztec communities shaped the region, with women playing different roles, which were defined by their class, gender, ethnicity, and attributes of their lives (Brumfiel, 2006;Chase et al., 2008;Macleod, 2004). During the acclimation phase of the research in San Francisco Tetlanohcan, women described how they continue to illustrate their identities and experiences on their skirts, keeping traditions alive. ...
This article examines how traditional design methodologies predominantly serve Western and colonial interests, urging designers to rethink their foundations through decolonial theories and methods. By grounding the research in the context of migration between Mexico and the United States, it dives into a case study, proposes textiles and cultural artifacts as design tools, and offers a methodology rooted in oral histories, traditions, and localized design approaches. Using untailored faldas (skirts) as a narrative canvas, it demonstrates an alternative approach to design research that emphasizes learning from collaborative storytelling. The methodology centers on three critical principles: a deep immersion in the research context; conceptualizing stories and experiences as research artifacts; and identifying inherent tensions between researchers and their methodological tools. This approach challenges extractive research methods, celebrating research participants’ lived experiences. By prioritizing narrative, cultural context, and participant agency, the research reframes design as a decolonial practice that values pluralistic ways of knowing and understanding.
... En este marco, la presente investigación aspira a ampliar el conocimiento acerca del uso funerario de los malacates, o husos, entre los mayas prehispánicos. Dichos objetos aparecen en sepulturas en el área maya (Welsh, 1988) y son interpretados generalmente en perspectiva identitaria, considerando la asociación histórica de la actividad del hilado con el trabajo de las mujeres y el arquetipo mítico de la femineidad (Hendon, 1997;Bell, 2002;Vail y Stone, 2002;Hendon, 2006;Chase et al., 2008;McAnany, 2010). Pese a la importancia de estas inferencias, en algunos sitios mayas los malacates se encuentran enterrados con individuos masculinos (Welsh, 1988: 103;Chase et al., 2008;Cossich Vielman, 2009) o en sepulturas colectivas (Welsh, 1988;Moholy-Nagy, 2007;Fenn et al., 2016), lo cual atestigua la complejidad de la ritualidad maya e impulsa la formulación de interpretaciones contextuales. ...
... Dichos objetos aparecen en sepulturas en el área maya (Welsh, 1988) y son interpretados generalmente en perspectiva identitaria, considerando la asociación histórica de la actividad del hilado con el trabajo de las mujeres y el arquetipo mítico de la femineidad (Hendon, 1997;Bell, 2002;Vail y Stone, 2002;Hendon, 2006;Chase et al., 2008;McAnany, 2010). Pese a la importancia de estas inferencias, en algunos sitios mayas los malacates se encuentran enterrados con individuos masculinos (Welsh, 1988: 103;Chase et al., 2008;Cossich Vielman, 2009) o en sepulturas colectivas (Welsh, 1988;Moholy-Nagy, 2007;Fenn et al., 2016), lo cual atestigua la complejidad de la ritualidad maya e impulsa la formulación de interpretaciones contextuales. 1 Un ejemplo es Palenque, el sitio de estudio, ubicado en el estado mexicano de Chiapas, donde los malacates funerarios se encuentran enterrados especialmente en contextos que presentan evidencia de actividades rituales postdeposicionales (reapertura de la sepultura, manipulación secundaria de los restos óseos, presencia de psicoducto). ...
El análisis de los bienes funerarios aporta información acerca de la ritualidad de las poblaciones prístinas. La presente investigación aspira a ampliar el conocimiento acerca del uso funerario de los malacates entre los mayas prehispánicos. Estos objetos son generalmente interpretados como parte de la identidad de los individuos enterrados. Sin embargo, en Palenque los malacates se encuentran depositados en contextos que presentan evidencia de rituales póstumos y manipulación secundaria de las osamentas. Se escrudiñan con detalle seis contextos funerarios recientemente excavados en el Grupo IV, un conjunto doméstico de elite del sitio de Palenque. Estas sepulturas son comparadas con entierros de otros grupos domésticos y con un ejemplo de la realeza: el sarcófago de la Reina Roja. Fuentes iconográficas, históricas y etnográficas permitieron inferir que los malacates en Palenque se utilizaban para llevar a cabo ritos póstumos que involucraban la producción de hilo para materializar una ruta de comunicación con los ancestros.
... A single perforated disc recovered from the construction fill of Structure 110X, created by reworking a potsherd into a circular form, may have been used for cloth or textile manufacture (Beaudry-Corbett andMcCafferty, 2002, McCafferty andMcCafferty, 2008:144). However, as this is the only example of this type of artifact, it is impossible to establish its function with certainty (Chase et al., 2008, Moholy-Nagy, 2013. ...
Research focusing on the emergence and collapse of ancient Maya polities is abundant, with many studies detailing these sociopolitical transformations from the perspective of apical elites at Classic period centers across the lowlands. It is, however, only relatively recently that studies have examined how the integrative strategies of commoner populations were both enabled and constrained by processes of sociopolitical integration and disintegration. This detailed settlement study reconstructs how the practices of a commoner community in the site core of Minanha, Belize, were central to the construction and reproduction of the social dynamics of this ancient Maya center, from its founding through to its abandonment. We explore how households adapted and reorganized in response to major sociopolitical transformations, emphasizing integrative and disintegrative processes associated with the rise and fall of Minanha’s Late Classic (AD 675–810) royal court. This diachronic perspective illustrates the historically contingent nature of household and community responses to the Classic Maya collapse. We utilize a conjunctive methodology that combines “bottom up” (household and community) and “top down” (royal court) data to provide a nuanced and holistic picture of processes of sociopolitical transformation in the Maya lowlands.
... Having women working in the field made and makes a difference in many different ways, one being in the interpretation of the archaeological record and reconstruction of the past (see [42][43][44]). Our projects in Belize (at Santa Rita Corozal and Caracol) were among the first to show the number of women that had been placed within Maya tombs [45][46][47][48], something previously almost universally associated only with rulers and men. ...
While women have long been key to archaeological research, the role of women and women’s voices have grown substantially in the last 50 years. Once predominantly found in the laboratory rather than in the field, women archaeologists are driving the discipline forward through field work and analysis. Similar developments are taking place throughout higher education in both academics and in leadership. At the same time, work on the engendered past is also evolving. However, more needs to be done. Issues in the field, particularly injustices done toward women associated with fieldwork, are coming to the forefront, hopefully assuring a future with higher ethical standards. The personal stories of female archaeologists help provide context to the past as well as opportunities for the future of archaeology.
... Although none survive, there are other ways to archaeologically detect the presence of textiles such as spindle whorls and bone needles (Chase et al., 2008). Furthermore, one may argue that the hieroglyphic script itself is also an art form, each scribe forming the shapes according to his or her own skill and preference; this variability of form is also reflected in the difference between glyphs on different media from bark paper to stelae ( Figure 5) to pottery (Figures 2 and 3). ...
The study of Pre-Columbian Maya graffiti has gained popularity since its initial discovery at Tikal, Guatemala in the late nineteenth-century. Since then it has been recorded at a number of sites throughout the Maya region. Graffiti etchings onto plaster in elite structures mostly date to the Late and Terminal Classic periods. This dissertation discusses prevailing interpretations surrounding who created graffiti and why, using research from current scholarship to inform new insights. In addition to existing scholarship, this dissertation draws on new evidence from Xunantunich, Belize. In particular, I examine the spatial association of graffiti images with graffiti patolli boards in Structure A13 at Xunantunich, considering the potential relationship and meaning between the two. I conclude that scholars should consider refocusing their research onto the process of creating graffiti rather than limiting their insights to the images themselves.
... More comprehensive studies of worked bone and tools, and their contexts, have been carried out at select Maya sites (e.g., Crow 2017;Moholy-Nagy 1994), including recent efforts to document the production steps involved in making bone tools (Emery 1997(Emery , 2008(Emery , 2009Emery and Aoyama 2007; see also Talavera et al. 2001). Many bone tools have been specifically, although not exclusively, tied to weaving and the manufacture of textiles and other woven goods (Chase et al. 2008;Feinman and Nicholas 2004a;Halperin 2008;Hamman 1997: 154-157;Manzanilla 2006;McCafferty andMcCafferty 2000, 2008;Middleton et al. 2002;Pohl 1994). ...
... Ceramic spindle whorls are a common tool in textile production (e.g., Carpenter et al. 2012;Chase et al. 2008;Halperin 2008;McCafferty and McCafferty 2008;Parsons 1972). They are added to the base of a spindle to provide greater control as the revolving spindle twists fibers into thread (Parsons and Parsons 1990: 180). ...
... Some tools were likely multipurpose implements, yet most of the bone tool forms at the four sites previously have been linked to elements of fiber working and textile production (e.g., Chase et al. 2008;Halperin 2008). To evaluate and amplify this seeming association, we briefly examine the bone implement complex in conjunction with ceramic and stone tools-spindle whorls and chipped stone raspadors (large, dome-shaped scrapers)-that have been explicitly tied to spinning and processing fiber (e.g., Carpenter et al. 2012;Chase et al. 2008;Halperin 2008;Hester and Heizer 1972;Robles García 1994). ...
... Furthermore, without draft animals, transporting enough maize through the jungle on foot over potentially hundreds of kilometers to support an entire population after a conflict would be difficult for the victor, even if some transport of maize over long distances might have been possible (Drennan, 1984a(Drennan, , 1984bSluyter, 1993). It is also worth noting in connection with this that epigraphic and iconographic data indicate that tribute extracted from clients or demanded after conflict was often paid in the form of elite goods like cacao, jade, feathers, fine polychrome pottery, and cotton textiles, rather than large amounts of staple resources like maize (Chase et al., 2008;Foias, 2002;Inomata, 2001). In light of these points, we think the starvation scenario is unlikely to account for the long-term trend in conflict levels. ...
The impact of climate change on conflict is an important but controversial topic. One issue that needs to be resolved is whether or not climate change exacerbates conflict over the long term. With this in mind, we investigated the relationship between climate change and conflict among Classic Maya polities over a period of several hundred years (363–888 CE). We compiled a list of conflicts recorded on dated monuments, and then located published temperature and rainfall records for the region. Subsequently, we used a recently developed time-series method to investigate the impact of the climatic variables on the frequency of conflict while controlling for trends in monument number. We found that there was a substantial increase in conflict in the approximately 500 years covered by the dataset. This increase could not be explained by change in the amount of rainfall. In contrast, the increase was strongly associated with an increase in summer temperature. These finding have implications not only for Classic Maya history but also for the debate about the likely effects of contemporary climate change.
... First, spinning and weaving may have been primarily an elite activity. Spinning and weaving tools are more common in elite contexts (Chase et al. 2008;Halperin 2008;Hendon 1997:44;McAnany 2010:117, 186). On the other hand, ethnohistorical and ethnographic sources describe weaving as an activity for women of all statuses (McAnany 2010:117). ...
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... One major hindrance in archaeological analysis of household based craft production is that little may remain of the material residues of the actual crafting process and tools used. Despite these limitations, investigations at Caracol, Belize have shown that some data on the crafting process can still be recovered and interpreted (Chase et al. 2008;Cobos 1994;Pope Jones 1996;Martindale Johnson 2008). In this article, I present analysis of a recent investigation of an ancient Maya household to determine the organization of household based lithic craft production, its technological comparison to other possible workshops at Caracol, other Maya sites, and the potential dynamics of household crafting at Caracol. ...
Households make up the bulk of the ancient Maya archaeological record. These are the historical places where the Maya lived, reproduced, remembered, and worked, thus archaeologists can analyze the artifacts of what peoples did at their living groups. This paper presents and analyzes one of only a few case studies of small chert tools or "drills" from the Maya lowlands to identify what ancient peoples did and possibly infer their potential impact at the local scale. Lithic data from the "Gateway Group" at Caracol, Belize, located approximately 300m southeast of Caana, Caracol's largest structure, and the Conchita Causeway yielded a highly standardized tool assemblage. These data in conjunction with other investigated assemblages enable discussions of the organization of intensive localized lithic and non-lithic craft production. I conclude by describing the importance of this research on how archaeologists might draw relational connections between households using standardization studies and thereby consider the technical learning, sharing, and doing that took place between ancient Maya residences.
... tuart 1993), status relationships among Maya states are often interpreted through the use of emblem glyphs, parentage and sibling notations, and other "power glyphs" (Martin andGrube 1995, 2000). Like other archaeological considerations of status and power, however, these hieroglyphic models are still in flux (Houston and Lacadena 2004;Martin 2005;A. Chase et al. 2008b). ...
The archaeological interpretation of status and power is fraught with a variety of issues. While it is sometimes possible to identify those individuals of highest status – and, presumably, power -in the archaeological record, for the most part issues of status and power can become a quagmire for archaeological interpretation. While the verticality of social relationships may sometimes be evident in the archaeological record, the horizontal aspects of socio-political relationships are more difficult to document. Status and power also need to be viewed comparatively as they may vary depending on the arena of interaction. Because agency is involved in determining status and power, what the archaeologist records may not clearly or directly reflect ancient reality. This paper examines the archaeological interpretation of status and power in the Maya area using examples derived from Caracol, Belize – with particular attention paid to an Early Classic cremation unearthed during the 2010 field season that has applicability to discussions of broader Mesoamerican interactions and relationships. Introduction What constitutes status and power in the archaeological record? The answer varies depending upon context and scale. Both status and power are relative terms that imply a hierarchical relationship between two or more individuals or parties; this hierarchical relationship can either entail proscriptive or consensual actions and can vary (to the point of being inverted) depending upon the situation. Higher status individuals evince more prestige and/or resources than other individuals or groups, but status also can vary depending upon the relational situation. One may be born with ascribed rights or status, but other also may be achieved through certain life accomplishments. Power usually implies control, either over people or resources; it also implies the ability to undertake certain actions. In life, such relationships were often in flux and could change over time, being dependent upon location and context. This dynamic aspect of status and power relationships makes archaeological interpretation context-dependent. For instance, in central Mexico, green obsidian artifacts from Pachuca are quite common, as might be expected as Cerro de las Navajas source is only 50 km northeast of Teotihuacan; some 90% of the prismatic cores and blades at Teotihuacan are of green obsidian (Spence 1996:23). Thus, the use of green obsidian artifacts in central Mexico does not necessarily imply a certain status or any unusual power. However, when green obsidian artifacts are found in the Maya area, they are often seen as being special – the products of long-distance relationships or exchange (e.g., Braswell 2003; Moholy-Nagy 1999). The presence of green obsidian artifacts in Maya contexts therefore may lead to a discussion of status and power because of the exotic nature and long-distance origin of these artifacts. This paper seeks to briefly review the concepts of status and power and their implications with regards to archaeological interpretation. To accomplish this, the concepts first will be situated and defined relative to anthropological theory. Next, the terminology will be applied to current usage in Maya archaeology. Finally, an Early Classic archaeological deposit from Caracol, Belize will serve as an example of the issues involved in analyzing status and power in the archaeological record.
