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Boat arrivals since 1976 by financial year

Boat arrivals since 1976 by financial year

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This quick guide provides statistics on the number of asylum seeker boats that have arrived in Australia since 1976 when the first wave of boats carrying people seeking asylum from the aftermath of the Vietnam War began to arrive. The guide also includes the number of boats that have been 'turned back' since the practice of removing unauthorised ma...

Citations

... 31 Statement at workshop, 20-21 March 2019. 32 Phillips (2017). 33 Kneebone & Missbach (2018) 36 on the earlier Regional Cooperation Arrangement (RCA), which arose from this period. ...
Article
In this Introduction, Indonesia’s approach towards refugee protection is contextualized historically and regionally in light of the enactment of Presidential Regulation No. 125 of 2016 concerning the Treatment of Refugees (PR). In particular, we describe the legal and policy framework for refugee protection in Indonesia and analyze its underlying norms and values, including the constitutional right to asylum. We explain how the legal framework competes with Law No. 6 of 2011 on Immigration, which facilitates a discretionary, securitized, and ‘humanitarian’ approach to refugee policy, which is inconsistent with Indonesia’s legal responsibilities. In conclusion, we assess both the challenges and opportunities provided by the PR.
... As of July 2020, Bavaria remains the only regional state to have adopted the AnkER model proposed by the federal government (Chemin and Nagel 2020). Although relatively few people sought asylum in Australia compared to Germany (Phillips 2017), '[t]he story of Australia's asylum seeker policy is one of ever-increasing restrictive policies designed to dissuade people of their right to seek asylum in Australia' (Nipperess and Clark 2016, 206). Successive Federal governments have implemented a range of punitive asylum seeker policies that include detaining and punishing those who arrive by boat (Maylea and Hirsch 2018). ...
Article
This article explores the findings of a qualitative study comparing social work and human service practice with people who have sought asylum in Germany and Australia. Globally social workers are concerned with the record high of people forcibly displaced worldwide and the Global North host-nations’ increasingly hostile, discriminatory and restrictive policies towards people seeking asylum. This policy context is antithetical to the professional values of social workers and human services practitioners. The findings of this study reveal how the policy directly impacts social work and human service practice, creates unique ethical challenges and dilemmas and, subsequently, diverse practice responses. The paper also suggests that the country of practice influences how practitioners perceive and respond to ethical challenges and dilemmas. Through doing so, the findings challenge traditional understandings of critical practice theories that suggest that practice focused solely on the individual level is inadequate for work with people seeking asylum. Due to the diversity of contexts and their influences, we encourage social work and human services to view practice on a personal-political continuum when working with people seeking asylum.
... Most shockingly, all these entities who step in as intermediaries are mostly unregulated and can cut corners using many loopholes in the current system of ship recycling administration. 126 -------------------- 118 Ahmed, supra note 27. 119 Asbestos in the Ship-breaking industry of Bangladesh: Action for Ban, Asia Monitoring Resource Center no.61-62 ¶ 3 (Oct. ...
... Also see Karim, supra note 63, at 31. 121 126 Puthucherril, supra note 19, at 327. ...
... 125 In the first wave, 2,059 Vietnamese boats arrived in Australia. 126 In the second wave 6,845 boat refugees arrived, mainly from Cambodia, Vietnam and Southern China. 127 And in the third wave 56,136 boat refugees landed in Australia, mostly from the Middle East with the assistance of 'people smugglers.' ...
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Safe & Environmentally Sound Recycling of Ships
... Th e existing bilateral collaborations, although promoted to the collaborators as balanced and mutually benefi cial, are oft en dominated and led by Australia. While Australia perceives itself as a regional leader (Phillips 2017a), its neighbors perceive it as a bully (Megalogenis 2019). Rather than concentrating on mid-and long-term collaborations, Australia has prioritized short-term deterrence measures to combat the irregular movement of migrants. ...
... Indonesia grants work rights to expatriates with specialist skills but remains unwilling to grant residency rights to asylum seekers and refugees currently within its territory, fearing that they would "overstay their welcome. " 5 With regard to Kimball's third criteria, between 1998 andmid-2013 Indonesia has served as a staging ground for more than 55,000 asylum seekers undertaking irregular journeys by boat (Phillips 2017a). Asylum seekers who can apply for tourist, student, or other types of visas to enter Australia by air usually do not come via Indonesia, but fl y straight from their countries of origin or a neighboring country. ...
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The growing literature on transit countries places much emphasis on the policy interventions of destination countries. In the case of Southeast Asia, Australian policies have disproportionate effects across borders into the region, including those of Indonesia and Malaysia. However, so-called transit countries also counterweigh foreign policy incursions with domestic politics, their own policies of externalizing their borders, and negotiations with destination countries to fund their domestic capacity. While Malaysia and Indonesia share many characteristics as transit countries, they are also noteworthy cases of how they negotiate their own interests in making difficult decisions regarding irregular migration in the region and how responsibility and burdens should be shared.
... IMAs' relationship with the Australian state began in the mid-1970s, when asylum seekers fleeing the violence and turmoil of the Vietnam War arrived in Australia's Northern waters. Since this time, distinct cohorts of IMAs displaced by conflicts and dangerous political regimes have travelled to Australia (Phillips, 2016;Crock et al., 2006). The most recent cohort predominantly arrived between 2009-2014, and included persecuted ethnic and political minorities, such as Hazaras from Afghanistan and Pakistan, Kurdish people from Iraq and Iran and Tamils from Sri Lanka (Phillips, 2016;Karlsen, 2016). ...
... Since this time, distinct cohorts of IMAs displaced by conflicts and dangerous political regimes have travelled to Australia (Phillips, 2016;Crock et al., 2006). The most recent cohort predominantly arrived between 2009-2014, and included persecuted ethnic and political minorities, such as Hazaras from Afghanistan and Pakistan, Kurdish people from Iraq and Iran and Tamils from Sri Lanka (Phillips, 2016;Karlsen, 2016). The journey to Australia is not common among asylum seekers due to the immense geographical distances and political barriers, which IMAs overcome by engaging in clandestine forms of transport, notably what has come to be known as 'people smuggling' (Lueck et al., 2015). ...
... The journey to Australia is not common among asylum seekers due to the immense geographical distances and political barriers, which IMAs overcome by engaging in clandestine forms of transport, notably what has come to be known as 'people smuggling' (Lueck et al., 2015). The movement of IMAs is however legitimatised by international law with the majority of asylum seekers involved found to be refugees under the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees 1951 (Phillips, 2016). ...
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State sovereignty, in terms of the organisation and expression of political authority by nation states, is traditionally interpreted as a political container that is being weakened by increasing human and non-human mobilities. However recent research indicates that states are themselves becoming more mobile as executive bodies move and sovereign spaces are tactically reduced and expanded to intercept and control global mobilities. While challenging dichotomous notions of mobility and sovereignty, such research frames the movements of governments, territory and sovereign agents as the tactics of already established states. This paper builds on extant research by drawing on both a mobile ontology and Giorgio Agamben's theory of sovereignty to examine how mobilities constitute modern state sovereignty. To do so I examine Australian sovereignty and the related material and symbolic exclusion of asylum seekers arriving by boat. My analysis finds that mobilities, in terms of material movements and their representation, are essential to the construction of Australian sovereignty and the position of maritime asylum seekers as its outsider and limit identity. Through their mobile interception and management, and their representation as mobile ‘others’, maritime asylum seekers are used to create sovereign borders between specific types of movement; between ‘correct’ and ‘incorrect’ (im)mobilities. I argue that this form of state sovereignty is disarticulated from space and follows populations who construct territories as being ‘inside’ or ‘outside’ of the Australian state as they move.
... Among the ten member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), only Cambodia and the Philippines have signed the 1951 Refugee Convention.1 Many refugees hope for resettlement in the Global North, including the USA, Canada, and the European Union member states. Attracted by their effective resettlement programmes and integration schemes as well as the more affluent economic opportunities, tens of thousands of asylum seekers have also tried to reach those 'promised lands' on their own in recent years, despite increasingly preventive asylum, own way by boat in the same period (Phillips 2017).3 The number of maritime asylum seekers arriving has decreased significantly since 2013 because of Australia's externalized deterrence policies under Operation Sovereign Borders, which is explained in more detail later in this article. ...
... Before air travel became the most dominant form of international travel, most people who migrated to Australia travelled there by boat. In regard to modern maritime asylum seekers, the timelines usually refer to 1976, when the first boats carrying Indo-Chinese asylum seekers began to arrive in Northern Australia and instigated mandatory detention for those arriving irregularly by boat (Phillips 2017). Australia and Indonesia share a history of refugee protection since 1975, which led to the Comprehensive Plan of Action (CPA) for Indo-Chinese refugees, in place from 1989 to 1997. ...
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Asylum seekers and refugees currently living in Indonesia tend to see Indonesia as a transit rather than a destination country, despite the fact that their stays are increasing in length. Based on contact with Muhamad (not his real name), a young refugee from Iran currently residing in Indonesia whose adjustment and development I observed over four years, I illustrate the changing priorities in his decision-making, the constant flux of circumstances and context, and the extreme complexity of primary and secondary factors that come into play in planning for the future. Combining a macro perspective with a case study, in which I present excerpts from several life-story interviews, helps to exemplify these generic migratory challenges and distil a range of relevant parameters that influence the decision-making of asylum seekers and refugees in transit. A (self-)critical reflection on ethical and methodological challenges underpins my analysis and argument, not least because politicians and policymakers are increasingly interested in influencing migratory decision-making processes to gain political advantage. Of particular interest in my analysis is the role of Australia’s deterrence policies in asylum seekers’ decision-making. Despite the ethical challenges associated with studying migratory decision-making—as public knowledge of migration strategies can also suppress aspirations of mobility—I argue for more in-depth and longitudinal research. At the very least, this is because more intensive, yet considerate studies of decision-making will help us to take seriously the migratory aspirations of people with limited choices.
... Ale to koalicyjny gabinet Tony'ego Abbotta, zgodnie z przedwyborczymi obietnicami, rozpoczął Operację Suwerenne Granice (Operation Sovereign Borders) (Abbott 2013; Coalition's 2013). Marynarka wojenna, przy bardzo ograniczonym dostępie mediów, podjęła akcję zatrzymywania i zmuszania do powrotu łodzi płynących z Indonezji i Sri Lanki (Phillips 2017a). Raptownie spadła liczba ludzi, którzy taką drogą dostali się do Australii, a od lipca 2014 r. nikomu już się to nie udało. ...
... At present, it is government policy that all unauthorised asylum-seekers who arrive in Australia by boat either have their boats turned away, or are sent offshore for processing (although the Government insists that no new maritime asylum-seekers have made it to Australia since it succeeded in "stopping the boats" in 2014). 42 Offshore processing remains the official policy of both Australia's current (Coalition) Government and the Labor opposition. Australia's offshore processing policy has attracted resounding condemnation from human rights groups and members of the international community, 43 not least because of the lack of external oversight that exists within these facilities. ...
Article
The relationship between immigration detention and trauma is well established, and scholars have often employed Agamben's notion of the camp to explain the psychological deterioration that asylum-seekers experience in detention. Using Australia as a case study, this article argues that while the camp model is highly instructive in some contexts (such as Australia's offshore processing facilities), it is less useful in understanding facilities that are ostensibly bound by social and legal constraints (such as Australia's onshore detention facilities). Detention centres such as those on the Australian mainland, this article demonstrates, are best understood not as camps but as prisons. In making this claim, this article opens up a rich body of empirical and theoretical research regarding the operation of power - and, in particular, the infliction of psychological pain - in carceral institutions. In doing so, it provides a theoretical scaffolding for understanding how immigration detention facilities can and do inflict harm in situations where governments must maintain an appearance of civility and respect for the law. Furthermore, it provides a grounding and vocabulary for understanding outcomes such as trauma and mental illness not as failures of immigration detention systems, but as some of their core functions.
... While successive Australian governments have sought to prevent irregular maritime asylum seekers from arriving in Australia to claim asylum, those who have done so continue to access grants of protection (see Figure 13), albeit at much reduced levels since 2012-2013. The number of boat arrivals to Australia have always been volatile, with two discernible peaks around the early 2000s and again from 2009 to 2013 (Phillips and Spinks, 2013;Phillips, 2017; see also Figure 9). The degree to which this variability is explained by global trends in refugeeproducing situations or by changes in Australian border protection policies is a matter of ongoing dispute. ...
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Since 2014, the International Organization for Migration has recorded the deaths of nearly 25,000 migrants. This figure is a significant indicator of the human toll of unsafe migration, yet fails to capture the true number of people who have died or gone missing during migration. This report, the third volume in the Fatal Journeys series, focuses on improving data on migrant fatalities. It is published in two parts. Part 1 critically examines the existing and potential sources of data on missing migrants. Part 2 focuses on six key regions across the world, discussing the regional data challenges and context of migrant deaths and disappearances. The second part of Fatal Journeys Volume 3 makes five key recommendations that emerge from the comparison of regions and innovative methodologies discussed in both parts of the report: (1) Make better use of administrative data: Local, national and regional authorities that collect data on missing migrants should publish these data wherever and whenever possible, in accordance with data protection standards. These authorities should also cooperate to standardize data collection to improve the possibilities for data comparison and cross-checking. (2) Promote survey-based data collection: In areas where few institutions collect data on missing migrants, or where access is an issue, surveys can provide new data on deaths and the risks people face during migration. (3) Explore new technologies: The use of modern technologies and data sources, such as “big data”, piloted in some regions, could be expanded to improve the availability and completeness of data on migrant fatalities. (4) Work with families and civil society: The needs of families of missing migrants should be a central concern in all stages of data collection and identification processes. Data collection efforts led by family and civil society groups should be encouraged through collaboration with other actors. (5) Improve data sharing: Across the world, data on missing migrants are fragmented and not shared effectively. Data sharing and cooperation between actors working on the issue of missing migrants should be promoted.
... The beginning also coincided with a shift in the pattern of movement of asylum seekers through Southeast Asia, most of who were transiting through both Malaysia and Indonesia at this point in their attempts to reach Australia. New cohorts of people from the Middle East, particularly from Iraq and Iran but also from Afghanistan and Pakistan, had become involved in the movement (Phillips, 2017). Moreover, whereas the number of asylum seekers arriving by air had previously outweighed boat arrivals on Australia's northern shores, the figure was reversed for the first time, creating a sense of panic among Australian politicians [Kneebone and Pickering, (2007), p.172]. ...