''Beloved Stalin is the People's Happiness'' (1949). The Beloved Leader with His Happy People. Authors' Collection of Soviet Posters.
Contemporary scholarship has noted Mikhail M. Bakhtin's apparent animosity toward rhetoric. Bakhtin's distinction between monologue and dialogue helps to explain his view of rhetoric, which is both hostile and receptive—hostile to monologic rhetoric but receptive to a dialogic rhetoric that is responsive to others. This article reads Bakhtin's acco...
Context in source publication
... posters link Stalin by association with claims of the ever-increasing accomplishments of the worker and persist from the mid to late 1930s through the end of World War II to Stalin's death. One of these posters, ''Beloved Stalin is the people's happiness'' (Figure 5), displays the adulation of the leader by the masses of festively dressed and appropriately excited men, women, and children. The occasion is a holiday parade in the Red Square (most likely the May Day), with Stalin (stand- ing on the Mausoleum housing Lenin's embalmed remains) looming above the crowds carrying red banners, flowers, and portraits of Lenin and other Soviet lea- ders. ...
Street-art is a widespread urban phenomenon characterised by several different styles and concepts. This essay will introduce few artistic works, analysing the rhetoric strategies used. Artists create unpredictable narratives catching the audiences’ attention through various regimes of visibility and some figures of speech, such as hyperbole, apost...
This article reviews some of the rhetorical means of constructing the image of Hillary Rodham Clinton as a presidential contender in 2016 election campaign. It explores this in the context of research on “gendered” political discourse particularly political campaigning and media coverage of female contenders. It argues that women politicians in the...
The purpose of this study was to examine the ways in which rhetorical strategies, as a sub-genre of persuasive discourse, are deployed in scholarship application letters in Iran in Persian and English. To this end, 96 application letters fora fictitious scholarship were written by Iranian university students and were further analyzed according to a...
... In fact, Lenin's discourse was present throughout my schooling from the beginning until the end (1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990)(1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998)(1999). Haskins and Zappen (2010) write: ...
In this creative article, the reader is invited into an a/r/tographic chronotope, through which the author remembers her learning and schooling experiences in the Ukrainian USSR. The purpose of remembering is to render an elusive meaning of dialogic pedagogy in the soviet compulsory schooling with a focus on the child's lived experience of learning in the historical context of intergenerational socialist oppression. The visual and poetic a/r/tography reveals the learner's ideological becoming through her rare encounters with dialogic pedagogy as the ontological event of self-consciousness, creative authorship, and agency.
Breaking Colonial Shackles. African Decolonization Processes on Soviet Posters of the 1960sSince its beginnings, the Soviet Union has emphasized its anti-colonial solidarity. This paper examines how this political ambition was displayed on soviet posters during African decolonization processes in the 1960s. Combining the graphic analysis by Panofsky and the analytical focus on physical representations, it will be shown how the depiction of a strong, young man was used to create an ideal picture of an emancipated African freedom fighter who opposes western colonial powers.
The article studies posters of the late 1980s – early 1990s (the so‑called period of the “long 1980s”) as a visual historical source. In analyzing the problem, the author points out that the illustrative model dominates among the visual representation models of the history at that time. In the historical and cultural focus, it is a parallel story that has no narrative tasks of its own and acts as a visual “animator” of the text. Its characteristic features are low representativeness and “closeness” of visual ideas. As a consequence, the text replaces the meaning and significance of the poster’s illustrative material. The poster becomes a starting point for creating parallel text that does not consider its artistic basis and principles. Pseudo‑text provokes the artificiality of the visual in relation to the text. During this period, the attitude towards the poster as a “silent” source is established. Historians are practically not interested in the artistic nature of the poster, since it does not become an object of analysis. This method is generally common in the traditional historiography of the second half of the twentieth century. The facts established on the basis of a documentary “trace” are interpreted as self‑sufficient (that is they do not require an artistic imperative). Such practice downgrades the documentary status of visual historical sources within the framework of historical analysis. The author is considering some new models for the analysis of the visual historical source that are oriented towards the historiographical paradigm of poster research. The present study analyzes the poster as a source of interpretation of events. Thus, the meaning of a visual document has several levels: 1) the level of fact (it indicates the existence of a certain segment of reality); 2) the level of context (it describes reality through facts, events and phenomena); 3) the level of interpretation (it gives an assessment to the events and expresses a certain attitude towards them).
This is Part 2 of a two-part study which aims at preliminary conclusions regarding the iconography of the international labour movement. Earlier research in the fields of social history, art history and visual rhetorics has been consulted for this purpose. After 1848, emerging socialist parties and labour unions depended on republican iconography for their manifestation of collective identity. The republican virtues of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity remained important, but Fraternity was gradually replaced or merged with Unity and Solidarity. In a process akin to the identification of the goddess of Liberty with a more common "Marianne", the representation of Unity and manual work in socialist iconography became focused on images of individual male or female workers. In earlier prints and illustrations, these representations have strong affinities with how the concept of labour was personified in official monuments of the same period. Later, the doctrine of socialist solidarity between agricultural and industrial workers transformed the bipartite iconographic scheme of earlier personifi-cations of Unity into a representation of agriculture and industry, or country and city. After 1917, the dilemma of how to represent dual aspects of society and its functions also included questions about the representations of the socialist leader. The Hjalmar Branting monument in Stockholm serves as an example of how the iconography of re-formist social democracy is not always comparable to Soviet socialist realism.
The spectacle was prominent in public displays and mass meetings in midtwentieth-century Russia and Germany as a quest for unity in political culture. In Russia, it was countered by Mikhail M. Bakhtin’s novelistic dialogue, polyphony, heteroglossia, and carnival. In Germany, it appeared in its most grotesque form in Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf, which proclaims Hitler’s quest for German national unity and celebrates his National Socialist mass meetings, which created the appearance of a false unity imposed by force of arms. In the United States, Hitler’s spectacle was critiqued in Kenneth Burke’s review of Mein Kampf and continually challenged throughout his life’s work. Burke’s review critiques Hitler’s strategy of attempting to unite Germany by dividing it from those who opposed him, in particular non-German ethnic groups. Burke was engaged in sociopolitical issues throughout his lifetime, and his work offers theories and principles aimed at diversity in unity in political culture and offered as a counterforce to Hitler’s spectacle of a false unity—a counter-spectacle in the form of identification, dramatism, dialectical and aesthetic transcendence, and a satiric mock portrait of a false unity.
This article forges connections between two vibrant areas of current research within and beyond Asian studies: visual anthropology and the anthropology of morality and ethics. Its focus is on achieving moral citizenship as represented in Vietnam's visually spectacular capital, Hanoi, and on images as active and morally compelling, not mere reflections of the challenges of late-socialist marketization. The case of Vietnam compares intriguingly with other contexts where visuality has been fruitfully explored, including India and post-socialist Eurasia. The question asked is how images, both personal and official, can work either to provide or deny the viewer a quality of moral agency which they feel to be their due. The answer is found in the intertwining of silence and speech in relation to images. This includes what is said and unsaid in regard to public iconography, including memorial statuary and state message posters. It is proposed that the visuality of the urban street space is a continuum involving significant interaction with the intimacies of home and family image use. The article also seeks to add to our methodological ideas about treating fieldwork photographs as a basis for interaction with interlocutors, hence as active research tools rather than mere adjuncts to observation and analysis.
This essay develops a reception history of the Communist Party of the USA’s (CPUSA) responses to Richard Wright’s Native Son. Drawing on what Fiona Paton calls “cultural stylistics,” I argue that the voices residing in Native Son itself participated in the broader interpretive politics surrounding the novel. Specifically, Wright’s primary character, Bigger Thomas, functioned as a disruptive performance of blackness that revealed the limitations of communist orthodoxy for bringing expression to black subjectivity. I conclude by reflecting on the ways cultural stylistics poses salient ethical challenges to all of us who engage in the labor of critique.
The problem of drink and the consumption of alcohol, especially vodka, and its consequences in prerevolutionary and Soviet Russia have been well documented. Furthermore, historians of Russia have also analyzed the role of posters as a form of propaganda or as a means of generating support for the policies of the Soviet state. However, with the exception of Laura Bernstein and Tricia Starks, very few specialists on the Soviet era have explored the link between the two. This article aims to fill the gap by using visual illustrations to analyze the anti-alcohol health text and messages in Soviet posters from the 1920s to the end of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). The issues explored include: the historical context and other factors and how they shaped the content of the posters; the way posters were employed by the Ministry of Public Health and Soviet leadership to create a new way of life (novyi byt); how far and in what way these posters are a sign of the key health problems highlighted by the Soviet state and medical profession; and the types of appeal made. Finally, a critical assessment will be undertaken of the impact and effectiveness of these posters as part of a broader campaign of Soviet health promotion in relation to drink and alcoholism in Soviet Russia.