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Average marginal effect of "high-performing issue" by manifesto emphasis (95-percent confidence intervals). Note: Based on Model 2 of Table 3.
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Representative democracy presents politicians with an information problem: How to find out what voters want? While party elites used to rely on their membership or mass surveys, social media enables them to learn about voters’ issue priorities in real time and adapt their campaign messages accordingly. Yet, we know next to nothing about how campaig...
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Context 1
... examine the interaction effects in Models 2, 3, and 4, we plot the average marginal effects (AME) of the highperforming issues variable as a function of the major party indicator and the manifesto emphasis variable (logtransformed). Figure 3 depicts the average marginal effect of "highperforming issue" by an issue's salience in the party manifesto. Across the empirical range of the manifesto emphasis variable, the AME slopes downward as issue salience increases, with the lower bound of the 95-percent confidence interval hitting zero somewhere around three percent. ...
Context 2
... examine the interaction effects in Models 2, 3, and 4, we plot the average marginal effects (AME) of the highperforming issues variable as a function of the major party indicator and the manifesto emphasis variable (logtransformed). Figure 3 depicts the average marginal effect of "highperforming issue" by an issue's salience in the party manifesto. Across the empirical range of the manifesto emphasis variable, the AME slopes downward as issue salience increases, with the lower bound of the 95-percent confidence interval hitting zero somewhere around three percent. ...
Citations
... Unlike traditional means of political communication, social media is not a 'one-to-many' channel, but rather a twosided 'many-to-many' communication channel. On the one hand, political actors can respond to the priorities of potential voters, evaluate engagement, and embed feedback and insights from online campaigns to optimize their political strategies (Ennser-Jedenastik et al. 2022). On the other hand, recipients of political communication can be influenced, and potentially be informed by the political content they are exposed to (Bode 2016). ...
Ensuring transparency and integrity in political communication on climate change has arguably never been more important than today. Yet we know little about how politicians focus on, talk about, and portray climate change on social media. Here we study it from the perspective of political advertisement. We use Meta’s Ad Library to collect 602,546 ads that have been issued by US Congress members since mid-2018. Out of those only 19,176 (3.2%) are climate-related. Analyzing this data, we find that Democrats focus substantially more on climate change than Republicans, with 99.7% of all climate-related ads stemming from Democratic politicians. In particular, we find this is driven by a small core of Democratic politicians, where 72% of all impressions can be attributed to 10 politicians. Interestingly, we find a significant difference in the average amount of impressions generated per dollar spent between the two parties. Republicans generate on average 188% more impressions with their climate ads for the same money spent as Democrats. We build models to explain the differences and find that demographic factors only partially explain the variance. Our results demonstrate differences of climate-related advertisements of US congress members and reveal differences in advertising characteristics between the two political parties. We anticipate our work to be a starting point for further studies about climate-related ads on Meta’s platforms.
... The study focuses on the connection between the sentiment of posts, issue relevance and user reactions. The Austrian elections of 2017 are also investigated by Ennser-Jedenastik et al (2021). A new perspective is taken by analysing the parties' reactions to user engagement. ...
The 2021 federal election in Germany was very different from previous elections. For the first time, the environmental party, The Greens, ran a candidate for chancellor. In addition, the election campaign was increasingly digital due to the Corona pandemic. Citizens increasingly turned to the internet for information. In this context, Facebook was the most used social network for reading, sharing, and discussing political news. This paper examines the Green Party's use of Facebook during the election campaign to identify characteristics of their communication behaviour and user reactions. The empirical investigation is carried out by means of a qualitative content analysis according to Mayring. In the period from 01/04 to 26/09/2021 a total of 251 posts of the Green Party were analysed. The tool Fanpage Karma was used for this purpose. Based on the number of posts, relevant topics of the online election campaign were identified. We also looked at how often and with which reactions users responded to the party's posts. The results of the study show that the 2021 chancellor candidate Annalena Baerbock plays a prominent role. She is mentioned in 30.68% of all posts. In addition, environmental policy, the party's core issue, takes up a comparatively large amount of space with a total of 111 posts (44.22%). Of these, 39.84% deal with climate-related issues. The results of the analysis also show that the party has a broader range of topics. Social issues are mentioned in 38.65% of the posts and the image of being a ‘single-issue party’ is being shed to some extent. It can also be seen that The Greens, who are among the winners of the 2021 election, publish a comparatively low number of posts. At the same time, they receive the second-most ‘Love’ reactions, and the most ‘Loves’ per post. The study shows Facebook's status in the online election campaign of the German environmental party in the 2021 federal election. It provides information about the scope of use and topic setting on the social platform. At the same time, the results show to what extent and with what reactions the posts have been addressed.
... Government responsiveness is considered one of the most important features of democracy (Dahl, 1971;Powell, 2004;Verba & Nie, 1972) and previous studies have examined what kinds of variables explain variations in government responsiveness. It has been revealed that government responsiveness tends to be determined by social media (Ennser-Jedenastik et al., 2022;Eom et al., 2018;Panagiotopoulos et al., 2013), regime types (Cleary, 2007;Grossman & Slough, 2022;Powell, 2004), party organization (Linde & Peters, 2020), cabinet ministers' professional backgrounds (Alexiadou, 2022), and socio-economic conditions of countries or provinces (Itani et al., 2022;Speer, 2012). ...
This article utilizing unique data on 37,655 public complaints in South Korea from April 2021 to March 2022 aims to unveil the association between sentiments in public complaints or petitions and government response speed. We estimate sentiments in each complaint with five morphological analyzers and employ negative binomial regression models. The empirical results demonstrate that public complaints with the sentiment of Fear tend to receive faster governmental responses while complaints with the sentiment of Sorrow are more likely to be addressed slowly. The influence of the sentiment of Fear and Sorrow is consistently robust in logistic event history models, while the sentiment of Anger is not statistically significant anymore. The results contribute to the literature on political psychology by demonstrating that facing public complaints dominated by different sentiments can influence the efficiency of civil servants. At the same time, this article suggests providing periodical counseling and education for civil servants who continuously face waves of negative sentiments to treat public complaints expertly.
... Unlike traditional means of political communication, social media is not a 'one-to-many' channel, but rather a twosided 'many-to-many' communication channel. On the one hand, political actors can respond to the priorities of potential voters, evaluate engagement, and embed feedback and insights from online campaigns to optimize their political strategies (Ennser-Jedenastik et al. 2022). On the other hand, recipients of political communication can be influenced, and potentially be informed by the political content they are exposed to (Bode 2016). ...
Ensuring transparency and integrity in political communication on climate change has arguably never been more important than today. Yet we know little about how politicians focus on, talk about, and portray climate change on social media. Here we study it from the perspective of political advertisement. We use Meta's Ad Library to collect 602,546 ads that have been issued by US Congress members since mid-2018. Out of those only 19,176 (3.2%) are climate-related. Analyzing this data, we find that Democrats focus substantially more on climate change than Republicans, with 99.7% of all climate-related ads stemming from Democratic politicians. In particular, we find this is driven by a small core of Democratic politicians, where 72% of all impressions can be attributed to 10 politicians. Interestingly, we find a significant difference in the average amount of impressions generated per dollar spent between the two parties. Republicans generate on average 188% more impressions with their climate ads for the same money spent as Democrats. We build models to explain the differences and find that demographic factors only partially explain the variance. Our results demonstrate differences of climate-related advertisements of US congress members and reveal differences in advertising characteristics between the two political parties. We anticipate our work to be a starting point for further studies about climate-related ads on Meta's platforms.
... С упором на процесс глокализации об щества и политики, обосновываются концепции платформизации партий, основ ной задачей которых в цифровую эпоху становится оперативное агрегирование массовых общественных запросов посредством современных сетевых сервисов [Gerbaudo, 2019]. Цифровые инструменты представляют партиям широкие орга низационные возможности, в т. ч. за счет быстрого реагирования на постоянно меняющиеся настроения и ожидания граждан [Ennser Jedenastik et al., 2021]. Рос сийские политические партии уже начинают ощущать на себе последствия всеоб щей цифровизации, развивая собственные цифровые инфраструктуры и осваи вая основные правила управления информационными потоками. ...
Статья посвящена исследованию феномена «социального поворота» в развитии современной российской партийной системы. Уникальность завершившегося в 2021 г. федерального электорального цикла состоит в ускорении процесса трансформации отечественного партийного ландшафта под влиянием глобальных проблем, ключевой из которой стала пандемия COVID-19, структурном усложнении партийной системы ввиду появления новых игроков и значительного обновления нижней палаты парламента, а также увеличении влияния современных технологий и инструментов цифровых коммуникаций политических партий. Описанные проблемы способствуют интенсивному агрегированию интересов групп, ориентированных на усиление прежде всего социальных функций государства. Благодаря реализации гибридной стратегии эмпирического исследования и использованию комбинации методов и инструментов, позволяющих работать одновременно с офлайн- и онлайн-средами (когнитивное картирование контента, социально-медийный анализ партийных информационных потоков, окулометрический анализ) установлено, что происходящие в отечественной партийной системе изменения носят противоречивый характер. Процесс трансформации политических партий, включающий их приобщение к современным реалиям цифровой эпохи, не соотносится с динамикой и направленностью электоральных запросов и ожиданий, декларируемых гражданами и институтами общественных идей и ценностей. В статье показано, что рост вовлеченности пользователей в социально-ориентированные информационные потоки в условиях низкой функциональности цифровых инфраструктур левых партий угрожает формированием диссонанса в общественном сознании и повышением социально-политического недовольства, которое может быть использовано деструктивными политическими силами. Результаты проведенного исследования актуализируют проблемы консолидации и «перезагрузки» левых партийных проектов в России, а также создания единого социального проекта при совместном участии государства, политических партий и гражданского общества.
... In line with this goal, they intensively analyze, test and keep track of what content users engage with, even on the pages of their opponents (Kreiss et al., 2018;McGregor, 2020). Studies also found that political actors truly align to the demands of the users: they draw upon content types more heavily that were previously identified as popular and effective (Barberá et al., 2019;Ennser-Jedenastik et al., 2021), and a convergence between political actors and their followers' communication can also be detected (Stier et al., 2018). This evidence suggests that the considerations of viral political marketing largely shape politicians' communication, and users' communication exerts a remarkable influence on the way political actors communicate on these platforms. ...
Viral political marketing is a powerful political communication strategy that is designed to produce persuasive messages that are able to provoke engagement on social media platforms. Viral political marketing can transform social media communication from pull media into push media, and it helps political actors to reach less interested and engaged voters via their own friends. Existing research shows that political actors seek to generate high level of user engagement with their posts, and they intentionally adapt their communication to users’ expressive needs. Viral performance has tangible benefits as it is slightly associated with better electoral result and heightened media visibility. Negative, populist, moralized, personalized and visualized communication focusing on divisive issues rather than more conventional policy topics are able to provoke more engagement. Viral political marketing has profound implications for political communication by contributing to the viralization of political communication, the process when political actors increasingly adapt to users’ interactive needs and the viral dissemination logic of social media.
... However, political communication in the digital space is highly crucial, especially during the general election momentum. Many contemporary studies show that social media play a significant role in national elections which can direct voter preference (Petkevic & Nai, 2022;Arslanagić & Mitrović, 2022;Carney, 2022;Ennser-Jedenastik et al., 2022;Bene et al., 2022). The digital platform is chosen as a campaign medium because it is quite effective and inexpensive (Basavaraj, 2022; (Varughese & Semetko, 2022;Hassim et al., 2022). ...
Social media (Instagram) with embedded text in various forms of multimedia content have become an important battleground for politicians to place the relevance of their policies to the public during election campaigns. The narratives played by politicians in the digital space are aimed at securing the mass base and votes of supporters, while seeking early certainty of their victory. This study aims to analyze Maruf Amin’s political communication strategy in dealing with hoaxes in the 2019 Indonesian election campaign. In this study, the researchers used a qualitative method with a descriptive approach to analyze the data. Primary data were taken from interviews. Meanwhile, the secondary data ware from journal articles, books, news, report releases, and digital contents. The data analysis model used in this study is inductive analysis, an analytical model in qualitative research that does not depart from theoretical deductions but rather empirical facts. This article was prepared by applying research steps, starting with data collecting, data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing/verification. Results indicated that digital political communication strategies applied in campaigns against hoaxes can be seen from how the digital presence with the identity of politicians, authentic character, and having intellectual and social capital as ulama is indirectly attached to scientific authorities who are bound by responsibility for delivering scientific truth. In addition, another finding is that coherence and consistency in campaigns can play an important role in success against hoaxes. To conclude, anti-hoax narratives in elections are inevitable. In other words, it is political resources that are free to use at any time and ready to be used by politicians to reaffirm an agenda, neutralize an issue, instill new ideas about nationalism, and provide educational and literacy messages for the wider audience.
... Yet, politicians need to be responsive to civil society to gain higher levels of legitimacy. Social media represent certainly one channel through which they can demonstrate their responsiveness to concerns from other users (Porten-Cheé et al., 2018), and also through which politicians can learn about public preoccupations to adapt their agenda (Ennser-Jedenastik et al., 2021). Therefore, in this study, we particularly focus on the effect of politicians' responsiveness on social media in terms of replies and policy issue responsiveness on their political success. ...
Notwithstanding growing research on how using social media for political campaigning impacts politicians' chances of winning votes, we still have limited knowledge about whether and how the use of social media and online styles of communication affect political success over successive legislatures. We address this deficit by analyzing a panel dataset about the Twitter activity of politicians who have had a parliamentary mandate at least once. We first demonstrate that politicians' interaction with specific online audiences (e.g. in terms of replies and mentions) is still evolving, thus pointing to possible strategic adaptations of politicians' communication as social media are mastered. Then, we show that Twitter-based activity moderately impacts politicians' political success, both in terms of political ranking and media coverage. This success, however, strongly depends on the style of political communication and on the legislature under scrutiny.
... Politicians may use social media as a listening post to keep track of the opinions of citizens (Rustad & Saebø, 2013), or to engage with them in an active dialogue on policies and actions (Grant et al., 2010). Parties can track citizens' talk about specific topics on social media in a more organized way, or analyse their interactions and feedback during and between elections (Ennser-Jedenastik et al., 2021). Public administrations can also be responsive through responding to and acting on complaints or suggestions from residents (Sjoberg et al., 2017), and through asking for input, polling citizens, inviting into a dialogue on social media (Mergel, 2016;Sobaci, 2016), or analysing content to understand what users think of policies and actions (Reddick et al., 2017). ...
... In the context of social media, Olof Larsson (2021) shows that political actors adapt their communication on Instagram to the image-based communication environment and increasingly use new visual communication formats over time, which is especially pronounced for formats associated with higher rates of user engagement. To date, there is only one study that conceptualizes user interactions as a reference point for accommodation and investigates the issue responsiveness by parties to social media engagement in the realm of an Austrian election campaign (Ennser-Jedenastik et al., 2021). The results reveal that parties on Facebook communicate more about topics that users have interacted with in the past. ...
The expansion of the Internet, especially social media, enables political actors to address voters directly. However, on social media, where user interactions factor into the algorithmically determined relevance of messages and, in turn, their spread, political actors have to use communication features that entice users to interact with their messages. Taking mediatization theory as a starting point, I transferred assumptions about accommodation into the domain of social media. By conducting a content analysis of Facebook posts made by members of the Bundestag, the German Parliament, from 2010 to 2015, I analyzed whether political actors had adapted their communication to social media logic and more often used message features previously demonstrated to increase the number of interactions. Among the results, politicians had increasingly used message features that had previously raised the number of interactions, including new technical opportunities and social affordances on Facebook, whereas their use of established communication strategies had remained relatively stable. At the individual level, politicians with higher status were more likely to incorporate successful strategies, which suggests that accommodation is constrained by available resources.
