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Assumed Relationships Among the Variables Analyzed

Assumed Relationships Among the Variables Analyzed

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Throughout post-communist Europe there are debates on the issue of gender equality in legislative institutions (Reuschemeyer and Wolchik 2009a). Parliamentarians are critical actors in these debates, as they have the authority to introduce and implement gender equality enhancing legislation. Whether parliamentarians want to enhance gender equality...

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Delegate conceptions of representation require activities of legislators to reflect their constituents’ preferences. Recent research has examined the distortionary effects of lobbying activities on this representational linkage. Here, I argue that the effect of interest groups on legislators’ behavior depends on the clarity of the majority’s prefer...

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... Interviews of Polish parliamentarians from the 1990s to the 2000s reveal certain similarities with the Romanian case, though with what seems to be a declining emphasis on the Communist past, at least in rhetoric. I draw on interview data contained in Kurczewski (1999), as well as survey data of Polish parliamentarians described in Dubrow and Woroniecka (2010) and Pawlowski and Dubrow (2011). Interviews of parliamentarians active in the 1990s illustrate the struggle between equality-generating legislation and imagined legacies of the Communist past Kurczewski (1999). ...
... While rapidly accumulating research strongly suggests that quotas have great potential to reduce gender political inequality of voice, the relationship between quotas and this outcome depends on the form of electoral rules, the type of quota adopted, and the level of enforcement of the quota (Caul Kittilson, 2006;Krook, 2009;Matland and Montgomery, 2003b). There is strong evidence that, in the post-Communist and European Union eras, gender and party ideology within national and European contexts influences whether Eastern European parliamentarians support gender quotas (Dubrow, 2011;Dubrow and Woroniecka, 2010). ...
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Across Eastern Europe, despite radical changes to the political environment – including the postwar period, the revolutions of 1989, the post-Communist era and the rise in power of the European Union in the early 21st Century – in comparison with men, women always have had far fewer representatives in national legislatures. How can this be? In this article I compare Romania and Poland from the postwar period to now to critically examine the causes and dynamics of women’s unequal political representation. While gender inequality in various forms has been a constant feature, the characteristics of its relationship to political inequality – its form, duration and magnitude – changed over successive eras. I argue that much more research needs to be done to properly understand dynamics of, and links between, the history and the present of women’s political inequality in Eastern Europe; as such I also criticize the extant literature and suggest directions for future social science inquiry.
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Candidates running for the Polish Sejm are increasingly drawn from a wider group of occupations (1991–2011). As the percents of intelligentsia and farmers decline in the candidate pool they are replaced by candidates from middle- and low-level nonmanual occupations and business owners and the self-employed. In spite of the increased occupational diversity among candidates, the occupational diversity of elected Members of Parliament (MPs) has declined significantly. Between the 1991 and 2011 elections, intelligentsia went from 78 percent of elected MPs to 83 percent and farmers declined from 9 percent to 1 percent. At the same time, there was an increase in elected MPs who are self-employed or business owners. Data from the 2011 election clearly show that list placements by parties explain the overrepresentation of intelligentsia. Even though the advantages for intelligentsia can be found in all parties, they are greatest in parties seeking to appeal to a broad base, for example, Civic Platform, while parties that appeal to a narrow constituency are more likely to place candidates with diverse occupational backgrounds in top positions.
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In modern democracy, voters should be able to use elections to control parties and politicians. Citizens lose control when their electoral voice does not compel them to act according to the will of the people. Repeated free and fair elections are supposed to function as a mechanism of electoral control. To evaluate electoral control, citizens need the right data on candidates, parties, and parliamentarians. In this edited book, we present a step towards electoral control by presenting the methodology of the East European Parliamentarian and Candidate dataset (EAST PaC). These data are the universe of candidates and parties who stood for national parliamentary elections in Ukraine, Poland, and Hungary from the 1990s to the 2010s. Candidates are matched over time, rendering a dataset that allows researchers to track the political careers of every candidate, from the thousands who never won to the few political lifers whose parliamentary careers are decades long. With EAST PaC, we can achieve new insights into electoral politics of Central and Eastern Europe. This book contains everything that scholars need to use EAST PaC. We designed the book for regional specialists and non-specialists; for seasoned scholars of representation, accountability, and political inequality, and for those who are newly interested in these concepts. We hope to intrigue potential users of EAST PaC and to attract new scholars to study electoral politics in Ukraine, Poland, and Hungary. This book is funded by Poland’s National Science Centre (Sonata Bis decision number 2012/05/E/HS6/03556).