Contexts in source publication

Context 1
... anticipated, Dinning led, but with just 30% of the vote, his lead over Ted Morton was less than 4000 votes. Stelmach finished third and made the cut-­-off for the final round with about 15% of the vote (see Table 1 for Voting Results). Missing the final ballot were Lyle Oberg, Dave Hanock and Mark Norris as well as the two minor candidates, Doerksen and MacPherson, who were unable to attract a thousand votes. ...
Context 2
... examination of the regional results reveals the different political worlds that exist in one-­- party Alberta (see Figures 1 and 2 Morton continued his dominance of the Alliance riding on the second ballot garnering over 60% of the votes (see Figure 4). Stelmach's dramatic vote gain in Edmonton can be seen in the NDP ridings where his vote increased from 17% to 47% and he won a comfortable local Conservative party in 2005. 18 He was the only candidate whose support on either ballot was significantly associated with constituency financial strength. ...
Context 3
... the first ballot, support for Hancock and Norris was positively associated with Liberal strength, but despite their endorsements of Stelmach, there was a slight negative correlation between his vote and the 2004 Liberal vote. Our final analysis of the party results considers the mean candidate vote in each partisan category (Table 11). ...
Context 4
... first at Dinning (see Table 12), we see the relatively elite nature of the ridings where he fared best. Dinning's support was strongly associated with the median family income and the percentage of residents who held university degrees. ...
Context 5
... relationship between riding socio-­-demographic characteristics and support for eliminated candidates like Oberg, Hancock and Norris is relatively weak (see Table 12). In contrast, the support patterns for Hancock in many ways resemble those of Dinning. ...
Context 6
... we saw earlier, on the second ballot Stelmach did quite well in areas where the Conservatives were strong in 2004, and in areas where he was strong in the leadership election, the Conservatives performed well in 2008 remarkably open, plebiscitary selection process that broadened the appeal of the party and gave substance to the claim that it was open to change. Correlations between the votes of the three finalists and the party votes in 2008 provide hints of the factions within the dominant Conservative party. Morton's vote was positively associated with the 2008 Alliance vote, Dinning's vote was positively associated with the Liberal vote and Stelmach's with the Conservative vote. Similarities with the 1992 Conservative leadership election also emerge. The party's right wing was again unable to triumph despite Alberta's reputation as a right wing haven, and the candidate more attractive in areas with larger numbers of non-­-conservatives could not, despite an initial lead, sustain his advantage. Stelmach appears to have capitalized on support from other Albertans of Ukrainian ...

Citations

... Calgary was not particularly supportive of Stelmach even before the election. In the 2006 leadership election, Stelmach did not carry a plurality of support in any Calgary riding and his overall support in the city was a paltry 14 percent (Stewart and Sayers, 2008). But in order to challenge the Conservatives, the Alliance must demonstrate strength elsewhere in the province. ...
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The Alberta Tory dynasty begun by Peter Lougheed is now 40 years old. With only four leaders across four decades, the party has managed to maintain its hold on the political imagination of Albertans. It has weathered a number of storms, from minor party assaults during the tumultuous 1980s to the Liberal threat of 1993 and the stresses associated with the global financial crisis. Now it confronts a new challenge in the form of the Wildrose Alliance led by Danielle Smith. Just as the Tories stole the centre ground from beneath Social Credit in the 1970s, the Wildrose leadership team hopes to take what was a fringe right wing party and turn it into a broad coalition capable of appealing to a large number of Albertans. What challenges do they face in repositioning the party? And how will the Tories protect their home turf? In brief, the Wildrose Alliance must modify its policies and present them in such a manner as to be able to plausibly claim that it now reflects the core values of Albertans better than the current government. For its part, the government must select a new leader capable of successfully painting Wildrose as outsiders who cannot be trusted to cleave to the values that Albertans hold dear. What are these values? Strong support for individualism, a populist view of government – including wariness of the federal government – combined with a deep commitment to a role for government in providing core programs in areas such as health care, the environment, and social welfare.
Article
Why would a new provincial premier, having in his first general election increased his governing party’s seats in the legislature from 62 to 72 out of 83, resign just three years later? Normally, in Canada a provincial first minister remains in office so long as s/he wins elections, and either retires of his/her own accord or is forced to resign after an electoral defeat. Ed Stelmach’s brief tenure (2006–11) as premier of Alberta is a singular anomaly in that regard. Relying on interviews with the principal players, monographic and newspaper accounts, and party as well as Elections Alberta websites, this article makes systematic comparisons between the major features of Stelmach’s term in office and his predecessors, Peter Lougheed and Ralph Klein. This leads to the conclusion that popularity with the voting public simply did not translate into popularity in the backrooms of Alberta politics, where it apparently counts most.