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Additional annual expenditure of the regions' indemnity plan between 2016 and 2021

Additional annual expenditure of the regions' indemnity plan between 2016 and 2021

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After a new and ambitious reform, referred to as the ‘Territorial Big Bang’, France was confronted, from the end of 2018, with the revolt of the yellow vests, often originating from the country’s most peripheral or troubled territories. These oppositions and contestations from the territories may seem all the more astonishing since the ambitious te...

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Context 1
... the contrary, the merger of the regions initially caused significant additional costs. For example, the observed growth in expenditure between 2017 and 2018 of the seven merged regions is higher (11.9% to €37.25 million) than that of the non-merged regions (6.1% to €12.65 million) (see Table 1). A telling example concerns Occitanie, which has chosen not to hold any of its plenary assemblies in the regional capital city in the name of a desire for balance within the merged region: its regional council meets in plenary session in Montpellier, and not in Toulouse. ...

Citations

... McKay (2019) explains that people living in less populated areas tend to be more dissatisfied as these areas are often rural territories left behind by public policies. Bourdin and Torre (2020) also argued that some territories' remoteness from metropolitan areas reinforced their residents' feelings of abandonment by public policies. Thus, a variable was added relating to the centroid's average distance from the employment area to the metropolises (DistMetropo) (see FIGURES 1, 2, and 3). ...
... were interpreted as effects of liberal policies (Sebbah et al., 2018). However, public services have a collective history: the progressive institutionalization of the welfare state, which protects the weakest and reduces inequalities (Bourdin & Torre, 2020). The reduction of these services generates a feeling of abandonment of entire territories and thus worsens the rupture between civil society and the political elites. ...
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The rise of a geography of discontent highlighted in recent studies points to a strong association between voting for populist parties and territories with socioeconomic difficulties. While discontent has primarily been addressed through the analysis of populist votes, we provide additional elements of analysis by comparing these populist votes to the Yellow Vest movement, and we distinguish the populist votes coming from the far-left party from those coming from the far-right party. Our results show that the Yellow Vest movement cannot be confused with French populist supporters and that their sensitivity to territorial dimensions also differs from that of the latter, especially in terms of access to public services. Their behavior highlights that the geography of protest takes multiple shapes and cannot be reduced to a simple opposition between urban and mostly rural or peripheral areas. This raises serious concerns about the dynamics of territories and the deleterious effects of metropolization and the closure of public services in peri-urban and rural territories that are not specific to France.
... Step by step, fundamental questions were raised about public policies related to peripheral areas in a context of falling public spending and growing inequality, with signi cant territorial repercussions (Bourdin, Torre 2020;Torre, Bourdin 2021). This movement can be seen as the behavior of disenchantment; the participants had no con dence in politics or were no longer part of the 'political o er' (Kostelka 2017). ...
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Many European countries have implemented development policies for regions and territories in order to contribute to their growth and reduce inequalities. The EU has developed policies for cohesion and smart development which aim to promote the growth of all territories and reduce the gaps between them. The implementation of those policies raises questions about the place of and role of peripheral areas in terms of development. Will they remain under-developed regions, lagging behind? Or are they able to participate in overall development processes? The topic of our paper is an exploration of smart development for peripheral areas, and more especially, rural areas, in Europe. The question arises as to whether these areas are, despite their handicaps, capable of meeting the challenges of development, and most of all of satisfying the conditions for a smart development process. In order to address the question of the development potential of peripheral areas, we start by presenting the European policies of cohesion and smart development, before highlighting the limits of their acceptance by local people. We then show that there are other types of territorial innovations than those identified in the most well-known policies, and finally we propose development strategies for a particular type of peripheral area: rural territories. We found that even while the development policies devoted to these territories have multiplied over the last thirty years, the inhabitants of peripheral areas very often feel dissatisfied with their situation and express their opposition through extreme votes or public demonstration. One of the major reasons for this growing gap between the proliferation of EU policies and the dissatisfaction of the population is that innovations and novelties coming from these areas are rarely considered and encouraged by the current policies. The latter attach too great an importance to technological dimensions and are mainly directed towards industrialized and densely populated areas, whereas innovations stemming from peripheral territories, which are very real, are concentrated primarily in the social, institutional, and organizational fields. In the end, many policies are disconnected from the needs, the will, and the skills of local populations in peripheral areas. In order to avoid these problems and to reduce the obstacles on the development paths of peripheral areas we advocate policies that are better adapted to these territories and which seriously consider their innovative character. The case of rural areas in Europe provides interesting insights because it shows that a mix of ‘traditional’ and more social and institutional policies is possible, and that various mixes can be adapted to the peculiarities of these regions; from peri-urban areas to remote agricultural or forested lands. In any case, it is important to stress that the measures that are applied must be adapted to the respective characteristics of the different categories of territory and not be based on a catalogue adaptable to any type of peripheral areas. It is at this price that we may avoid the disjunction between the different territories of the EU and the appearance of zones of separatism, or even the dislocation of the European community.
... At this scale, local issues are better captured, cooperation between stakeholders is facilitated, and economic and communicational proximities can be easily promoted, even if operational complexity may require working at a broader scale [154]. The territorial approach builds on industrial and territorial ecology, an operational approach that draws on natural ecosystems to strive for the optimal management of materials and energy [155]. Both industries and local institutions should benefit from the implementation of industrial and territorial ecology. ...
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Fisheries and aquaculture are becoming a focus of societal concern driven by globalization and increasing environmental degradation, mainly caused by climate change and marine litter. In response to this problem, the European Atlantic Area NEPTUNUS project aims to support and inform about the sustainability of the seafood sector, boosting the transition towards a circular economy through defining eco-innovation approaches and a steady methodology for eco-labelling products. This timely trans-regional European project proposes key corrective actions for positively influencing resource efficiency by addressing a life cycle thinking and involving all stakeholders in decision-making processes, arnessing the water-energy-seafood nexus. This paper presents inter-related objectives, methodologies and cues to action that will potentially meet these challenges that are aligned with many of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals and European policy frameworks (e.g., Farm to Fork, European Green Dea
... They tend to take one of two (Table S4) forms. Regional authorities can be empowered/disempowered (Dardanelli, 2018;Hooghe & Marks, 2016) or they can be redrawn through amalgamation/fragmentation processes (Blom-Hansen et al., 2011;Bourdin & Torre, 2021;Zimmerbauer et al., 2017). In this context, the Norwegian regional reform is both typical and atypical. ...
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Institutional reform processes can be contested. The more so by those working in the affected institutions. Bureaucracies, in particular, can be resistant to change. To better understand such processes, we study the regional reform in Norway. This reform is interesting as it mixes “voluntary” and “forced” dynamics. Indeed, Norwegian regions (fylkeskommuner) can remain unchanged, merge voluntarily, or be forced to merge by central government. This provides an opportunity to better understand support for coerced change. Through a survey of regional bureaucrats, we test different explanations of support for forced mergers. We find that two logics are at play. A “logic of discipline” which appeals to right-wing bureaucrats, advocates larger units, and streamlined bureaucracies, even if this is against the wishes of the main actors involved. And an “identity logic” which recognizes that feelings of attachment are powerful shapers of preferences beyond what efficiency and functionality dictate.
... To this end, the regions were not only to be given better financial resources, but also to draw up development plans to guide the actions of sub-regional authorities. At the same time, the regions were reshaped and reduced in 2015 (Pasquier 2016;Bourdin and Torre 2020). The CCIR are not only territorially congruent with the public authorities by law (and had to adapt accordingly). ...
Chapter
French chambers of commerce have experienced a notable institutional change in recent years. Built as a multi-level network with strong ties to the state, they organise support for business, training and education etc. and have traditionally acted as organs of business self-governance at the local level. This chapter looks briefly at the history of the chambers and then describes the recent regulatory changes of 2018/2019. These are put into the context of a reform path launched in the early 2000s. The reforms have resulted in an institutional conversion consisting in a significant upgrading of the regional and national level, stronger financial and organisational links with the national administration (i.e. more ‘stateness’), and more marketisation of service delivery. These financial and organisational changes have been to the detriment of the local ‘monde patronal’. The chapter argues that the driving forces behind the chamber reforms since 2010 come from the political context in which the chambers operate. French governments of different colours have enforced a combination of territorial state reforms, austerity policies and marketised public sector reforms that have changed the chambers. Consequently, their gradual transformation is a case of a rescaled ‘post-dirigisme’ in French politics.
... The choice of these periods of analysis was based on the study of the chronicle of events that have marked the local context of biogas development (see Boursault, 2019). While the year 2010 corresponds to the start of biogas activities, 2015 is marked by the implementation of the law NOTRE (New Territorial Organization of the Republic) which has led to mergers and integrations of local authorities throughout the national territory that will strongly impact the local biogas system (Bourdin & Torre, 2020). Finally, 2019 is characterized by the SMPF's desire to diversify its input to optimize its installations and to respond to the drop in household waste tonnages linked to the introduction of a separate collection of bio-waste. ...
... This phenomenon is linked to the desire of the SMPF to encourage the taking of "competence treatment of household waste" by the communities of communes and agglomeration communities, which are slightly replacing the communes. Following the territorial reform of August 2015, the NOTRe law (Bourdin & Torre, 2020), this competence becomes mandatory for these EPCI. As a result, at the local level, in January 2017, the Département de la Manche (NUTS 3 level) ended up with only 8 EPCI, 5 of which are currently members of the SMPF. ...
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Biogas is a process for producing renewable energy, which has recently gained interest in contributing to a territorial strategy for the deployment of the circular economy. The projects, which are collective in nature, bring together multiple actors or local stakeholders from a wide variety of backgrounds. The article proposes to analyze the territorial governance of this type of project by studying the relations of synergy and cooperation between stakeholders in the case study of the Syndicat Mixte du Point Fort (SMPF) of Cavigny (France). The results of the analysis of interaction and coordination networks show that local stakeholders develop dense relational networks that vary throughout the project. This high density is indicative of the importance of group cohesion in interactions, which is necessary to create a framework of trust and consultation that favors the success of territorial renewable energy projects. The measure of centrality of the interacting actors shows that the project leader (SMPF) plays the role of assembler and facilitator of the interaction networks facilitating the sharing of flows, knowledge, and collective learning.
... Ces découpages semblent donner plus de pouvoirs aux régions et aux métropoles. Mais la critique d'un État qui resterait malgré tout très centralisateur et la métropolisation ont été remis en cause par les Gilets jaunes (Bourdin et Torre, 2020). Et d'ailleurs, antérieurement, à la suite de la Conférence des territoires (organisée par E. Macron en Juillet 2017) qui devait « permettre de réussir ce pari de la confiance, de l'efficacité et du respect », il avait déjà été enregistré des mouvements traduisant les inquiétudes des associations, des maires, des départements et des régions, notamment sur les pactes financiers qui visaient à modérer les dépenses de fonctionnement des collectivités. ...
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L’importante réorganisation territoriale qu’a connue la France à la suite des lois de 2015 et 2016 a conduit les acteurs politiques à mettre au centre de la réflexion les relations qu’entretiennent les acteurs économiques avec les nouvelles formes de régionalisation entrevues au travers de ces réformes territoriales. Les compétences renforcées, notamment en matière de développement économique, que ces nouvelles dispositions législatives et normatives ont avancée pour les régions françaises, s’inscrivent dans un débat plus large d’articulation des stratégies et de convergence des intérêts d’acteurs territoriaux au service du développement et de l’aménagement des territoires. La régionalisation telle qu’elle est envisagée, invite à réfléchir sur la capacité des territoires à proposer i) des stratégies spécifiques et innovantes de développement et ii) des modèles de coopération territoriale qui intègrent la multiplicité des acteurs et la complexité de leurs relations, tout en favorisant de nouvelles alliances génératrices de performance collective. Le passage d’un aménagement du/des territoires à leur mangement semble devenir alors un cadre et une modalité d’action qu’il faut observer et analyser. Dès lors, les liens entreprises-territoires, ceux entre aménagement du territoire et innovation, entre lectures industrielles et spatiales de ces innovations, les formes multiples des proximités, les approches et des mesures en termes de résilience et de vulnérabilité, l’attention prometteuse aux écosystèmes, doivent en permanence être réexaminés, contextualisés, appréciés à l’aune d’outils et méthodes permis par cette ouverture et croisement disciplinaires.
Article
In 2016, the Norwegian government initiated an extensive reform of the regional scale, eventually reducing the number of political-administrative counties from nineteen to eleven through mergers. The territorial and institutional changes that followed can be understood as a partial regional (de/re)institutionalisation process, in which the political and administrative boundaries of the merged counties were reshaped. Using the reform, and particularly the involuntary merger of Troms and Finnmark counties as a case study, this paper examines how regional (de/re)institutionalisation processes are discursively and materially enacted through official government documents. This is achieved by analysing examples of government discourse and discursive practice in a selection of white papers along with draft resolutions and bills. In so doing, the paper explores forms of institutional activism and advocacy associated with the implementation of regional reform, providing the basis for unpacking and discussing a conceptual distinction between ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ spaces of regional institutionalisation. By building on previous scholarship around the notion of ‘region work’, the paper contributes conceptually to the theorisation of regional (de/re)institutionalisation processes through the construction of an analytical typology, intended to aid the operationalisation and analysis of agency and practice in the context of regional change. On the basis of the empirical analysis, the paper discusses limitations of institutional activism, as well as the influence of softer institutional advocacy on top-down regionalisation processes.
Thesis
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L’économie circulaire se présente comme un nouveau modèle économique permettant de faire face aux défis actuels du système économique linéaire. Aujourd’hui reprise dans plusieurs pays comme un levier d’évolution des pratiques et des modèles de développement économique, ses démarches sont de plus en plus expérimentées dans les territoires, dans un contexte de transition socioécologique et énergétique. L’objectif de la thèse est de déterminer dans quelle mesure l’économie circulaire peut constituer, par son caractère innovant, une opportunité pour les territoires de mettre en oeuvre des processus de développement territorial. Le cadre d’analyse mobilise différentes théories et méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives dans le but de mieux comprendre les implications de l’ancrage territorial et l’importance des dispositifs de gouvernance pour la mise en place des stratégies d'économie circulaire sur les territoires. Les résultats montrent une croissance locale de l’économie circulaire, en phase avec les enjeux de plus en plus importants en termes de politiques publiques en faveur de l’emploi et de compétitivité de l’économie. Ils indiquent que le défi actuel n’est pas seulement une question d’innovations technologiques autour de l’efficience des ressources et de la création de valeur, mais aussi d’hybridation des actions et de capacité à faire coopérer des parties prenantes variées pour la mise en oeuvre d’externalités territoriales positives. L’exemple de la méthanisation permet de mettre en évidence le rôle du contexte local dans la capacité à générer ces activités nouvelles qui, par leurs vertus économiques et sociales contribuent à créer de nouveaux liens et des processus durables, grâce à l’activation ou au renforcement des proximités et de leurs potentiels.
Chapter
This chapter provides a contextualised framework of two European countries: France and Italy. These two countries are framed with reference to their institutional structure and their planning systems. To address the topic of land take and ecological restoration and examine how they are interlinked, the proposed analysis emphasises which measures, policies and tools have been undertaken in the two countries. The choice reveals how the two countries share some common elements of discussion, but they tackle the issues of land take containment, ecological continuities and green infrastructure with different perspectives.